Spectres Meeting in a Cemetery. Part Two.
David Sivier

Continued from Part One

The result of this disaffection with institutional Christianity was not only the growth of scepticism and atheism, but also the appearance of a number of modernist rewritings of the Gospels presented as the rediscovery of an authentic Christianity. These included such works as Gideon Jasper Ouseley’s The Gospel of the Holy Twelve, 1900; Nicholas Notovitch’s Life of Saint Issa, Best of the Sons of Men, 1894; Dr. Levi H. Dowling’s 1911 The Aquarian Gospel; The Crucifixion of Jesus, by an Eye-Witness, 1919; Rev. W.D. Mahan’s A Correct Transcript of Pilate’s Court, 1879; B. Shehadi’s The Confession of Pontius Pilate, 1893; Ernst Edler van der Planitz’s The Letter of Benaia, 1910; T.G. Cole’s The Twenty-Ninth Chapter of Acts, 1871; and Moccia’s The Letter of Jesus Christ, of 1917.

Gideon Jasper Ousley: pantheist, teetotaler and vegetarian

These false Gospels are a heterogeneous mix, reflecting their authors’ diverse motives and viewpoints. The Gospel of the Holy Twelve, written by Gideon Jasper Ouseley, a clergyman in the Catholic Apostolic Church, seems to have been written to promulgate Ouseley’s own pantheist, vegetarian and teetotal views, including the androgynous nature of God, styled by Ouseley as ‘our parent in heaven’. Ouseley was strongly influenced by the doctrines of the Theosophists Edward Maitland and Anna Kingsford. Despite purporting to be the reconstruction of an original Aramaic gospel narrative, Ouseley stated that he received it ‘in dreams and visions of the night’. [51]

Notovitch’s Life of Saint Issa, Best of the Sons of Men, pretended to be a translation of a Tibetan life of Christ, stating how Christ travelled to India to learn the ways of the Buddhas. While it’s one of the major sources for various fringe religious theories attempting to link Christ with India and Hindu and Buddhist philosophy, students of oriental literatures and religions in the nineteenth century were not hesitant in declaring it to be a forgery, especially after interviews with the monks at Himis, where Notovitch claimed to have seen the Life, revealed that they had no such document and had never even seen Notovitch. [52]

Dowling’s The Aquarian Gospel was similarly influenced by Theosophy and contemporary interest in oriental spirituality, as well as Christian Science. Dowling was a believer in the Akashic records, and, like Ouseley, wrote it under the influence of astral communications received during the night. In it, Christ not only studies with the great rabbi Hillel, but also meets Brahmins and Buddhists in India, Mencius in China, and Persian magi, while travelling through India, Tibet, Assyria, Babylonia, Athens, and Italy before settling in Egypt where he joins and achieves all seven degrees of initiation into the sacred brotherhood at Heliopolis. [53]

The Crucifixion of Jesus, by an Eye-Witness, is an account of Christ’s life as an Essene monk, in which John the Baptist, the angel of the annunciation, Nicodemus and the angel at the tomb are Essenes, and it is the Essenes who arrange the Holy Family’s flight into Egypt, and carry him away to be revived after the Crucifixion. Christ, in this false gospel, is indeed attracted to Mary Magdalene, but does not marry her because of His monastic vows. Despite purporting to be a translation of yet another ancient document, the text itself was completely anachronistic, and the fact that neither the manuscript, or even photographs or details of its provenance were presented made it clear that it was a forgery.

The thesis that Christ was an Essene was first propounded by Carl Bahrdt, circa 1784-92, and popularised by C.H. Venturini circa 1800-02, while it took the idea of Christ being resuscitated after Crucifixion from Paulus, and Hose’s History of Jesus of 1876. The book as a whole was probably inspired by the manuscript discoveries of the German orientalist Tischendorf in Egypt and the Levant, including the Codex Sinaiticus, in 1859, as well as various novels and stories set in Egypt in the 1860s and 70s. [54]

Rev. W.D. Mahan’s A Correct Transcript of Pilate’s Court has Pilate attempting to save Christ from the Jewish authorities as they execute Him during an insurrection against Rome. Although fraudulent, the book enjoyed immense success, and Mahan followed it up with a succession of similarly spurious religious documents, one of which plagiarised Ben-Hur. As a result, Mahan was found guilty of falsehood by the Presbyterian church and suspended from the ministry for one year. It appears Mahan was strongly influenced by the Alexander Walker’s editions of the Apocryphal Acts of Pilate in volume XVI of the 1873 Edinburgh edition of the Ante-Nicene library. Mahan’s motive in writing his own version may well have been to defend the historicity of the Biblical account from attacks from the sceptic and Republican politician Robert G. Ingersoll in the 1870s through the invention of documents that Mahan himself felt genuinely existed. [55]

The Confession of Poratius Pilate similarly presents Pilate’s viewpoint, presenting a narrative of his final years as an exile in Vienne, staying with his friend Fabicius Albinos, before finally, overcome with remorse, he commits suicide. Pilate here is also presented as attempting to rescue Christ, though unsuccessfully, and in reprisal commits terrible atrocities on the Jews before being recalled to Rome after complaints and accusations to Tiberius by Vitellius and Mary Magdalene. The book was originally written as an avowedly modern work by the Greek Orthodox bishop of Zahlah, Gerasimus Yarid, following similar fictional accounts of the Passion, such as that published about the same time in France by Anatole France. Its spurious antiquity was merely a creation of Shehadi. [56]

The Letter of Benan is supposedly an account by the Egyptian priest and doctor, Benan, of Christ’s life and training amongst the rabbis and Egyptian doctors, including the Therapeutae, and of Benan’s subsequent journeys to Gaul, Britain and Roman Italy. Its publisher, Ernst Edler von der Planitz, wasn’t an Egyptologist or religious scholar, but a novelist with a penchant for conspiracy theories, publishing such works as ‘The Lie of Mayerling’. Again, the books seems influenced by Ebers’ novels of ancient Egypt, such as An Egyptian Princess of 1864 and Uarda of 1877, as well as Bulwer-Lytton’s The Last Days of Pompeii. [57]

The Twenty-Ninth Chapter of Acts, on the other hand, has Paul travelling to Spain and Britain, where he preaches on the site of the future St. Paul’s Cathedral, Mount Lud, before travelling on through Gaul, Belgium, Switzerland, the Julian Alps, Illyria, Macedonia and Asia. In it, the Druids reveal to Paul that they are descended from the Jews who escaped from bondage in Egypt, and it appears to have been written to support the British-Israelite movement of the 1860s and 70s. [58]

Moccia’s spurious gospel was a lost thirty-three page Greek version. This was really a publicity stunt by Moccia for his forthcoming novel, but he abandoned it after he saw how seriously it was being taken. [59] If only Brown had shown similar discretion.

Other works included the forged The Gospel of the Childhood of Our Lord Jesus Christ according to St Peter, by the French Decadent writer Catulle Mendes; W.P. Crozier’s Letters of Pontius Pilate, which purported to be Pilate’s correspondence with the Roman philosopher Seneca; Catherine van Dyke’s Letters from Pontius Pilate’s Wife; the Epistle of Kallikrates, purporting to come from one of Paul’s converts; the Letter of Jesus Christ, exhorting attendance at church and keeping the Sabbath, copies of which were pasted in houses as it promised protection for women in child-birth. This latter had a contemporary version in Greek, published by Michael Salvers, and supposedly discovered in the fragments of a meteorite smashed by Patriarch Joannicius of Jerusalem. [60]

These nineteenth- and early twentieth-century apocrypha are the precursors to many of today’s works of religious pseudohistory, presenting Christ as an Essene, or a friend of Pilate, or an initiate into secret Egyptian or Indian teachings. And like the documents Michael Baigent claims to have seen to support his view of Christ in The Jesus Papers, the ancient documents on which these texts were based similarly did not appear, and no supporting evidence was provided. [61]

Not only were these new, apocryphal gospels a response to contemporary questioning of the authenticity of the canonical gospels, but they were also a response to the emergence and circulation of genuinely ancient, non-canonical Jewish and Christian texts, such as the Book of Enoch, found in a fragmentary Slavonic version and in its complete form preserved in the canon of the Ethiopian Coptic Church. The Gospel of Nicodemus, written iii the fourth or fifth centuries AD, was copied in eleventh century England, and was still circulating in chapbook editions in the eighteenth century. [62] The 1876 Tischendorf edition of the early Greek and Latin versions may well have been the versions which inspired the spurious 19th century gospels. The Egerton Gospel, a fragmentary non-canonical gospel, was discovered in 1935. [63]

A similar piece of a vanished gospel, Gospel Oxyrhincus 1224 was found circa 1890. [64] Gospel Oxyrhincus 1224 was discovered in 1903 and published in 1914. [65] Furthermore, apart from the spurious late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century gospels, other noncanonical versions of the lives of the great figures of the Bible were circulating. Three hundred years before the publication of the Gospel of Judas in May 2006, for example, an account of the treacherous apostle’s life was also circulating in the cheap, chapbook literature. [66]

The most profound challenge to the authenticity of the Biblical scriptures came from the discovery of the Gnostic library of Chenoboskion and Nag Hammadi in Egypt,

The most profound challenge to the authenticity of the Biblical scriptures came from the discovery of the Gnostic library of Chenoboskion and Nag Hammadi in Egypt, in 1945/6 and the Dead Sea Scrolls of Qumran in 1947. [67] With the discovery of these texts, more apocryphal and pseudepigraphal Jewish and Christian tests were gradually researched and published. The result was a flood of new translations of heterodox Judaeo-Christian texts, which had previously been lost or suppressed. These included the Gnostic Gospel of Thomas, discovered in 1945; The Secret Book of James, 1945; The Dialogue of the Saviour; The Gospel of Mary, 1955; the Infancy Gospel of Thomas; The Infancy Gospel of James; The Gospel of Peter, parts of which had already been discovered in 1886 and a version published in 1972; and The Secret Gospel of Mark, discovered in 1958 and published in 1973. [68]

References to a ‘Teacher of Righteousness’ and a’Wicked Priest’ in the Dead Sea Scrolls have similarly provided material for radical speculation, with scholars such as J.M. Allegro, Barbara Thiering, and Robert Eisenmann identifying them as Jesus, Paul, John the Baptist, and Christ’s brother James. [69] In the view of at least one major scholar “these theories fail the basic credibility test – they do not spring from, but are foisted on the texts”, with the more likely candidate for the ‘wicked priest’ being Jonathan Maccabeus who accepted the pontifical vestments for the Temple at Jerusalem from the Seleucid usurper Alexander Bolas, or Alexander Jannaeus. [70]

However, academic restrictions placed on research and publication by the director of the research programme into the scrolls, Father de Vaux, and the inability of a small group of seven scholars to complete such an enormous task, along with political difficulties with the Israeli authorities, meant that relatively little was published until the reorganisation of the project with a team of sixty scholars by Emanuel Tov in 1990, and the breach of the previous academic ‘closed shop’ around the manuscripts by the Biblical Archaeology Society and the Huntingdon Library in California. [71]

Unfortunately, the academic wrangling that had hindered proper publication and research into the scrolls appeared to lend credence to rumours that the ‘Teacher of Righteousness’ and ‘Wicked Priest’ were indeed Christ and the other major Christian figures, and so gave rise to rumours that the Scrolls were being deliberately suppressed because they contained materials that would undermine and discredit Christianity completely. It is as a part of this atmosphere of religious anxiety, speculation and conspiracy theorising that Holy Blood, Holy Grail found such fertile soil amongst the public, and the Da Vinci Code sprang up.

This conspiracist view of the Roman Catholic Church has been compounded because of the very real problems the Vatican has experienced in coming to terms with modernity. With the advance of secularisation in the nineteenth century, many of the traditional ecclesiastical roles of providing education, giving moral advice and presiding over marriages and funerals were lost to the state or private secular institutions, and the traditional seat of the papacy, Rome, was occupied and incorporated into the new Italy during the 1861-70 campaigns of unification. [72]

The result of this was the official promulgation of the doctrine of papal infallibility at the First Vatican Council of 1869-70, considered by some to be a ‘magna carta of ecclesiastical absolutism’, and the Syllabus of Errors, contained in the papal encyclical Quanta Cura of 1864. [73]

The papal decree Lamentabili and encyclical Pascendi Dominica Gregis of 1907 outlawed modernist thought in Roman Catholicism prohibiting the philosophies of Kant, Fichte and Hegel, and the application of secular historical techniques to criticise the authenticity of the Bible. Instead of Roman Catholic doctrine evolving through a historically conditioned process of debate, elaboration, adaptation and development, Roman Catholic doctrine was established as immutable and eternally true. [74]

And as a reaction to the revolutionary turmoil of nineteenth century Europe, French Roman Catholic theoreticians like Joseph de Maistre and Francois Rene Chateubriand articulated an extreme conservative ideology in which “thrones and altars were to be seen as safeguards, as buffers against a return to the tragedies of the Terror. Christianity was to be privileged above philosophy; powerful popes were preferable to overconfident national churches; kings and established churches were better than elected assemblies and liberal constitutions; tradition was a safer bet than innovation.” [75]

As a result, liberal Catholic views and agendas were denounced in the encyclicals Mirari Vos of 1832, and Singulars Nos of 1834. The fascination with alleged secret royalist bloodlines from Christ through the Merovingian kings in The Holy Blood, and the Holy Grail, and its successors, like The Da Vinci Code, can be seen as a deliberate mythologisation of this type of ‘throne and altar’ Catholicism.

Although Christian Democrat parties had successfully emerged to defend Roman Catholicism against hostile Protestant and secular authorities in Bismarck’s Germany and Belgium, papal disgust at nationalist appropriation of pontifical territories had led to a refusal to recognise the Italian state. Italian Roman Catholics were not even allowed to vote until 1919. [76] A rapprochement with the Italian state, which formally regulated the relations between Church and state in Italy and which granted the sovereign independence of the See of Rome and compensated the Vatican for the loss of its territories, was only established with the Lateran Pacts with Fascist Italy of 1928. [77]


The emergence of extreme Right-wing clerical Fascist movements such as the collaborationist regime of Monsignor Tiso (above) in Slovakia seemed to bear out the image of the Roman Catholic Church as a brutal, totalitarian, oppressive institution

The drawback to this treaty was that the papacy often seemed more allied to totalitarian Fascism than to democracy as the two movements headed towards a collision course in the 1930s. With the emergence of democracy in Italy after World War II and the new openness in the Church brought about by Pope John XXIII and Vatican II, a concordat based on privileges and tied historically to Fascism became an embarrassing liability. [75]

Worse, the emergence of extreme Right-wing clerical Fascist movements, such as the Rexists in Belgium, the collaborationist regime of Monsignor Tiso in Slovakia and the juntas of Salazar in Portugal and Franco in Spain further seemed to bear out the image of the Roman Catholic Church as a brutal, totalitarian, oppressive institution. The problem remains acute with continuing arguments over the papacy’s knowledge of the Holocaust and inability or refusal to prevent it.

The rise of feminism has also presented the Church with serious criticism as a patriarchal institution oppressing women through its prohibition of contraception and abortion, unequal employment opportunities which disbar women from ordination in the clergy, and, like other Christian denominations, with the worship of a solely male deity. Apart from the general trends in feminist theology common to most forms of Western Christianity, the Roman Catholic Church has experienced demands for the hyperlatreia – the extraordinary, superior veneration extended by Roman Catholics to Our Lady – to establish her as co-saviour with Christ. This was formally investigated by Pope John Paul II, who was broadly favourable, but rejected as contrary to Catholic dogma and tradition by the cardinals charged with examining it.

It is as part of this continuing debate – over the changing role of women in the Church and society, and attempts to reclaim a suppressed feminine aspect to Christian spirituality, that The Da Vinci Code and its literary antecedents’ elevation of Mary Magdalene is located.

However, the specific historical circumstances, which have given rise to this image of a Fascistic, patriarchal, oppressive Church, staffed by an Order of secret assassins, is largely obscured by the mythological distortions, which surround them. The mythology of the Priory of Sion may well be a Surrealist spoof of ‘throne and altar’ Right-Wing Catholicism, but it’s part of the general fascination with secret societies and pseudo-chivalric orders which were extremely common in the nineteenth century. During that century there was a plethora of pseudo-Masonic societies and orders, which, despite their elaborate hierarchies and rhetoric of bizarre mysticism, were largely fraternal benefit societies. Most of these became insurance companies and friendly societies in the twentieth century. [79] And while many of them championed and supported the poor in the new, mass, democratic society of the nineteenth century, they often did so under a feudal, chivalric guise, like the nineteenthcentury American socialist organisation, the Knights of Labor. [80]

As for the supposedly oppressive character of the Roman Catholic Church, this can be countered with the rise within it of leftwing, Marxist Liberation theology and more traditionally theologically orthodox critiques of exploitation and oppression, and the very many Roman Catholic clergy and laypeople martyred and murdered by brutal regimes across the world, including, naturally, Jesuits. Moreover, the rationalist critique of Christianity and the Resurrection can similarly appear just as flawed, dogmatic and credulous, involving massive leaps of logic and nonsequiturs, as the orthodox Christian account, and the view of the Essenes and the ancient Gnostics and medieval Cathars are quite at variance with what these religious groups actually believed and were like.

Nevertheless the nineteenth century crisis of faith, and the challenge of modernity, liberalism and democracy, as well as the discovery of the ancient, alternative scriptures, has created a climate in which some people feel that traditional Christianity is inadequate, and while not rejecting it completely, have drawn on and reinvented and distorted the ancient and alternative traditions to produce a completely novel view which they feel is more in accord with today’s liberal values, and have read these back into the past as closer to Christ’s true message. It’s been said that legends arise when there is insufficient information to provide people with a genuine explanation. This has been amply barn out by the rise of The Da Vinci Code and its predecessors as genuinely confused people, seeking a modern, liberal Christian spirituality, have been fed novels and pseudo-history masquerading as historical, religious scholarship.

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References:

50. McGrath, Atheism, p. 141.
51. ‘Veggie Tales’ at httpalwww.teklonics.org/Iplouseley0l
52. ‘The Unknown Life of Jesus Christ’ in Goodspeed, E., Strange New Gospels (Chicago, University of Chicago Press 1931), at htipa/www.tertullian.org/articles/goodspeed strange_new_gospels. htm.
53. ‘The Aquarian Gospel’ in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels.
54. ‘The Crucifixion of Jesus, by an Eye-Witness’, in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels.
55. ‘The Correct Transcript of Pirate’s Court’, in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels.
56. ‘The Confession of Pontius Pilate’ in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels
57. ‘The Letter of Benan, in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels.
58. ‘The Twenty Ninth Chapter of Acts’, in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels.
59. ‘The Letter of Jesus Christ’, in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels.
60. ‘The Letter of Jesus Christ’, in Goodspeed, Strange New Gospels
61. ‘The Family Guy’, Kevin McClure in Fortean Times 210 p. 60, reviewing Baigent, M. The Jesus Papers – Exposing the Greatest Cover-up in History (San Francisco, Harper San Francisco 2006).
62. Charles, R.H., trans, The Book of Enoch (London, SPCK 1917); ‘The Gospel of Nicodemus’ in Swanton, M., trans., Anglo-Saxon Prose (London, J.M. Dent 1993), p. 207; ‘The Gospel of Nicodemus’ in Ashton, J., Chap-Books of the 18th century with Facsimiles, Notes and Instructions, first published Chatto and Windus, 1882 (London, Skoob Books Publishing, undated), pp. 30-1,
63, ‘The Egerton Gospel’ in The Complete Gospels – Annotated Scholars Version (Sonoma, Polebridge Press 1992), p. 412.
64. ‘Gospel Oxyrhincus 840′ in Miller, Complete Gospels, p. 418.
65. ‘Gospel Oxyrhincus 1224′, in Miller, Complete Gospels, p. 422.
66. ‘The Unhappy Birth, Wicked Life, and Miserable Death of that Vile Traytor and Apostle Judas Iscariot’, Ashton, Chap-Books, p. 32.
67. J. Doresse, The Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics (London, Hollis & Carter 1960), p. XII; J. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls – A Re-Appraisal (London, Penguin. 1964), p. 17.
68. ‘The Gospel of Thomas’ in Miller, J., Complete Gospels, p. 301;’The Secret Book of James’, in Miller, Complete Gospels, p. 333.’The Gospel of Mary’ in Miller, Complete Gospels, p. 359; ‘The Gospel of Peter’, in Miller, Complete Gospels, p. 399, ‘The Secret Gospel of Mark’, in Miller, Complete Gospels, p.408
69. Vermes, G.. The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (London, Penguin 1995), p. XXX.
70. Vermes, Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. XXX, 36. J. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls – A Reappraisal (London, Penguin 1964), pp. 104-9.
71. Vermes, Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. XVII – XXI.
72. Wright, Jesuits, p. 214.
73. Wright, Jesuits, p. 234, 237.
74. Wright, Jesuits, pp. 240-1
75. Wright. Jesuits, p. 239.
76. Wright, Jesuits, p. 251.
77.’Lateran Pacts’, in P.V. Cannistraro, ed., Historical Dictionary of Fascist Italy (Westport, Greenwood 1982), p. 299. 78.’Lateran Pacts’, Cannistraro, Fascist Italy, p. 300.
79. See Axelrod, A., The International Encyclopedia of Secret Societies & Fraternal Orders, (New York, Checkmark Books 1997).
80. ‘Knights of Labor’ in Evan, LH., Brewer’s Dictionary ofPhrase and Fable – Revised Edition, (London, Cassell 1981), p. 636.

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Spectres Meeting in a Cemetery. Part One.
David Sivier

From Magonia 96, October 2007. David Sivier discovers that The Da Vinci Code is just the latest in a long series of attempts to re-write the Bible.

Undoubtedly one of the strangest features of the conspiracist worldview, at least to those rooted in the Rankean tradition of historiography, where documents are the unequivocal route to established, objective facts, is its mutable, post-modern nature. Fact and fiction meet and merge, with the latter being takenn over as solid, indisputable fact, to be studied and analysed by the secret initiates into the conspiratorial worldview. Its most notable contemporary expression is Dan Brown’s The Da Vinci Code. A global best-seller, it’s been denounced by Roman Catholic cardinals, become the subject of TV interviews, features and documentaries, stimulated a burgeoning tourism industry in which the book’s fans and readers travel in the footsteps of their fictional heroes to exotic locales such as St Sulpice in Paris and Rosslyn Chapel near Edinburgh. These pilgrimages are as much genuinely spiritual as literary, as some of the book’s readers have gone in search of the secret, mystical legacy, hidden and suppressed by the Roman Catholic church’s falsification of religious history in pursuit of its own ideological and political programme, a false history ruthlessly enforced by the murderous papal thought police of Opus Dei.

According to the American pollster George Bama, of the American adults who finished the book, 53 per cent said it was helpful in their personal spiritual growth and understanding, while a Canadian survey conducted by National Geographic concluded that 32 per cent of those who read it believed its theories. [1]

None of this is remotely new. The confusion of fact and fiction has been a feature of the worldview since disaffected young Americans in the 1970s took over the satirical novel Report from Iron Mountain in the 1970s, in which Soviet and American spies were satirised as secretly co-operating, to keep their respective populations in the dark about the real nature of global politics, while providing pork-barrel jobs for the defence industries, as a real, suppressed report, unveiling the cynicism and venality of the world’s secret states. Brown’s idea, that Jesus and Mary Magdalene were married and had children, has strong affinities with Lincoln, Baigent and Leigh’s The Holy Blood and the Holy Grail, and succeeding works of religious pseudo-history, like Picknett and Prince’s The Templar Revelation.

Even as fiction Brown’s novel is unremarkable. The Vatican has long been a subject for fictional intrigue because of its role as the nerve centre and powerhouse, spiritual and temporal, of the Roman Catholic Church. Most of these authors have based their plots on the murky world of Vatican banking, particularly the allegations that the Vatican bank acted as a conduit for Nazi funds to be smuggled out of Europe after the Allied victory to expatriate Nazis who had fled to South America.[2] When aging Nazis started to seem passé, the Vatican could always be cast in the villain’s role again as the fictional enforcer of oppressive, institutional falsehood and evil. One novel from the early 1990s had the Vatican, CIA and KGB jockeying for power after the clandestine discovery of Christ’s body in the Middle East. The 2001 film The Body featured Derek Jacobi playing a fugitive Roman Catholic priest who had stumbled on the secret truth of Christ’s body, and so was hunted by violent enforcers of his spiritual masters’ will, determined that this disruptive fact never leak out to explode the fabric of the Roman Catholic faith.

Yet while all these books were bestsellers, none have had quite the commercial success of The Da Vinci Code, a situation that says much about the relative status of fiction over dry works of ostensible fact in the public’s literary appetite, and the deep, spiritual needs of Western humanity at the beginnings of the twenty-first century. Part of the book’s success lies in its engagement with deep issues of Christian historical and scriptural authenticity going back to the compilation of the established, orthodox Christian canon. However, in its treatment of these profound religious anxieties, The Da Vinci Code owes less to the debate within Roman Christianity between the Catholic and Gnostic churches, than to the Reformation and Protestant perceptions of Roman Catholicism as a false, oppressive religion. These perceptions and prejudices were sharpened by the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the social and intellectual dislocation of the new, mass, industrial and democratic societies of the nineteenth century.

This changing social and intellectual world presented challenges to Christianity as a whole, as religious doctrines were challenged by scientific scepticism and new forms of textual criticism of the Bible, including the discoveries of variant Biblical texts, which cast doubt on the authority of the canonical scriptures. Roman Catholicism, however, felt these dislocations particularly acutely because of its perceived alliance with reactionary, monarchist and anti-democratic regimes. Within Roman Catholicism, certain specific orders are perceived as particularly authoritarian and repressive. Brown’s villains in The Da Vinci Code are Opus Dei, genuinely the subject of contemporary anxiety because of the founder’s links with Franco’s regime in Fascist Spain. Behind their fictional brutality and machinations, however, are earlier, Reformation and Enlightenment images of sadistic and repressive monks, and specifically the fear of the Jesuits, an order haunted by accusations of political intrigue, fanatical loyalty and black magic.

The date of the establishment of the New Testament canon is more problematic, as the first list, which exactly corresponds to the modern New Testament dates from the fourth century AD

The compilation of the Christian canon of scripture – the collection of books regarded as authoritative – predates Roman Catholicism, if this is understood as a distinctct ecclesiastical denomination, by several centuries. Early Christianity already possessed a canon of Old Testament scripture in the form of the Septuagint, the Greek translation compiled in Alexandria, in common with most Diaspora Jews outside Palestine by the end of the first century AD. [3] The date of the establishment of the New Testament canon is more problematic, as the first list, which exactly corresponds to the modern New Testament dates from the fourth century AD. [4] The Diatessaron of Tatian, an attempt to harmonise the four gospels by placing them parallel to each other in rows, and ieferences to the New Testament by the early Christian fathers Irenaeus and Tertullian as scripture, indicate that something like the modern Christian New Testament had been formed by AD. 200. [5]

Christianity at the time was a network of autonomous congregations, largely centred on the towns, under the direction of a bishop, who was served by a staff of presbyters and deacons. These diverse independent churches formed a united community by the mutual recognition of each other by the bishops, and by the ordination of each bishop by at least three bishops from the neighbouring communities.[6] The formal recognition of the claim by the Bishop of Rome, propounded in 341 AD, to leadership of a wider Christian church did not occur until 451 AD, when the Council of Chalcedon established the superiority of see of Rome over the Christian church, two and a half centuries after the establishment of the Christian canon. [7]

The doctrinal unity of this early church was threatened by radical attacks on the canon by the Gnostics. Here, however, the Catholic church acted to preserve its scriptural heritage from innovation. For the heresiarch Marcion, the good, compassionate God revealed in Jesus Christ was in stark contrast from the harsh God of the Old Testament, a God he saw as separate and evil, so that he recommended the rejection of the Old Testament altogether, and employed only a severely edited verston of the New Testament. [8]

Other Gnostics went further and began compiling, in addition to commentaries on the canonical scriptures, other gospels of their own. [9] Far from being seen as the representations of authentic Christianity, in contrast to the catholic scriptures, these works were later. It’s possible that the entire corpus of New Testament books had been written by 70 AD. [10] Valentinus, one of the main Gnostic heresiarchs identified by Irenaeus and the early church, and the probable author of the Gospel of Truth, began teaching in Rome in the second century under the Emperor Antoninus Pius. [11] Rather than preserving Christ’s original teachings, catholic Christian scholars such as Hyppolytus saw the Gnostics instead as confusing Christ’s doctrines with the metaphysical speculations of earlier Pagan philosophers, a view that is endorsed by many modern scholars. [12]

Yet if Gnosticism did not represent the preservation of an authentic Christian witness, nevertheless anxieties about the accuracy and status of the canonical scriptures remained, to become acute with the rise of Humanism and scepticism during the Renaissance. The rediscovery by the Humanists of more complete ancient texts, and their emphasis on studying the Bible and the Church fathers in new and more correct editions were a vital stimulus to the Reformation. Erasmus’s Greek edition of the New Testament with its glosses on the original meaning of words such as ecclesia and presbyter, ‘church’ and ‘priest’, pointed to the immense difference between the early church and contemporary, European Catholic piety.

Erasmus himself believed that salvation could come only through the Christian’s imitation of the life of Christ, rather than through the miracles and ceremonies of traditional religion. [13] He was particularly stinging about contemporary scholastic theology and its practitioners, whose heads were “so swollen with these absurdities, and a thousand more like them.” [14] While Luther went far beyond the Humanists in his attack on Roman Catholic doctrine, undoubtedly the rise of Humanist speculation and its assault on traditional theology and piety assisted the spread of Protestantism as the recovery of the spirituality of the early Christian church. [15]

The Reformation’s immediate effect on the canon of scripture, however, was to exclude the books of the Apocrypha – 1 and 2 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Prayer of Manasses and 1 and 2 Maccabees, as well as the Song of the Three Holy Children, the History of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon from the Book of Daniel – because they were found only in the Septuagint, rather than the original Hebrew scriptures, and so considered unreliable. [16]

In reacting against church tradition, Protestantism viewed only the Bible as the authoritative source of faith. Thus, when twentieth century scholars such as F.C. Baur discovered Early Catholicism in the New Testament, following Schleiermacher they considered it a corruption of Christ’s original message by Greek philosophy and Roman legalism, and sought to purge scripture of this contamination in order to return to the ‘historical Jesus’. [17]

One product of the Protestant project to return to the pristine Christianity of the New Testament was its automatic rejection of the papacy as the antichrist, beginning with Luther’s denunciation of his opponents within the papal curia in his tract ‘Against the Execrable Bull of Antichrist’. [18]. It was a stance, which became explicit with his depiction of the Whore of Babylon wearing the papal tiara in the 1522 edition of the Bible. [19] Subsequent attempts to curb the spread of Protestantism by violence by princes such as Philip II of Spain and Francis I of France, culminating in the wars of religion of the seventeenth century, seemed to confirm to European Protestants that the papacy was indeed the brutal persecutor of true, authentic Christianity. From this background of religious violence, political intrigue and terror, the Jesuits emerged as particular targets for suspicion and vilification by both Protestants and Roman Catholics alike.

As the case of Jean-Baptiste Girard and Catherine Cadiere in 1731 reputedly showed, at least to the authors of Spiritual Fornication, A Burlescue Poem and The Wanton Jesuit, they also used magic and invocations to the Devil to seduce their young female charges.

They were accomplished assassins, training fanatics through the use of their spiritual authority to murder their eneemies without remorse. According to the 1610 pamphlet, A Discoverie of the Most Secret and Subtile Practices of the Jesuites, they did this by presenting their chosen assassin with an ivory casket, decorated with an Agnus Dei, and inscribed with ‘sweet and perfumed characters’, containing a knife wrapped in a scarf. The Jesuits removed this weapon in an elaborate ritual in which it was sprinkled with holy water, and five or six beads added to the haft, to represent the number of stabs the weapon was to make, and the numbers of souls released from Purgatory by the murder. The Jesuits then invoked God’s angels to fill the future assassin, strengthening him for his task, informing him that he was now no more a mortal man but a kind of deity and that he would pass immediately into heaven without entering purgatory. [20]

The 1759 pamphlet The Doctrine and Practices of the Jesuits declared that the order possessed a master poisoner, able to equip assassins with poisons to place in eating utensils which remained lethally effective even after they were washed ten times. [21]

They were masters of equivocation and dissimulation, and immensely wealthy. The order reputedly had vast, highly profitable gold and silver mines in Latin America, as well as a deliberate policy of targeting wealthy widows, persuading them after their bereavement to take up a life of prayer and contemplation and give their monies instead to the church. [22] They were masters of disguise, present in every company, from the highest to the lowest, in inns, playhouses and taverns. [23] They worked their way into the company of princes, manipulating the minds of their proteges and former pupils through their control of education in the schools and lay sodalities. [24]

They were omnivorous perverts of monstrous sexual appetites. The schools, naturally, were hotbeds of homosexuality and paedophilia. [25] As the case of Jean-Baptiste Girard and Catherine Cadiere in 1731 reputedly showed, at least to the authors of Spiritual Fornication, A Burlescue Poem and The Wanton Jesuit, they also used magic and invocations to the Devil to seduce their young female charges. [26]

This last allegation was particularly tenacious. In 1846 Johann Scheible in Stuttgart published a manual of magic attributed to them, the Verus Jesuitarnm Libellus, or True Magical Work of the Jesuits. This was supposedly first published in Latin in Paris in 1508, along with the Praxis Magica Fausti, or Magical Elements of Dr. John Faust, Practitioner of Medicine, of 1571. [27]

As the Jesuit order was only founded in 1540, although its roots go back to an informal association of St. Ignatius de Loyola and his friends, including Francis Xavier, there’s no real doubt that the Libellus is a forgery. The Praxis Magica Fausti, allegedly printed from an original manuscript at the Weimar Municipal Library, is also forged, as at the time there wasn’t a library there either. [28]

Prefiguring twentieth century rhetoric and fears of brainwashed cults, Jesuits were similarly seen as indoctrinated automatons, crushed of independent thought and will, accusations supported by Loyola’s recommendation that a member of the company should resemble a cadaver and have no desire for self-determination, or the staff used by an old man, serving him in whatever way he pleased. [29] As Loyola was a former soldier, and the Society headed by generals, the order was viewed as a military machine of ruthless and sadistic discipline.

The order possessed a vast ‘library’ of instruments of torture with which the Order’s superiors tormented novices should they show any sign of disaffection or individuality. If a novice seemed to be wavering in his absolute commitment to the order, or was likely to desert and betray their secrets, he was immediately placed in the stocks until he almost perished from hunger and cold. [30] In this the myth of the Jesuits prefigured contemporary suspicions about Opus Dei, and the cilice, the curious studded garter members are required to wear for about an hour a day to mortify their flesh. And needless to say, like Opus Dei, they were also fanatically loyal to the Pope. Thus, to the anonymous author of the 1615 A True Relation of the Proceedings against John Ogilvie, in addition to their usual monastic vows they had a fourth: ‘to make the pope the lord of all the earth, emperors, kings and princes his dependents, to be removed, altered, changed, deposed and killed, when it pleaseth his holiness to give commission. [31]

As a result of this, Jesuits were perceived to be at the heart of plots against Elizabeth I, Charles I and Charles II of England, William of Orange, Henry III, Henry IV and Louis XIV of France, the American presidents William Henry Harrison, Zachary Taylor, James A. Garfield, William McKinley and Abraham Lincoln. [32] They were responsible for the French Wars of Religion, the Gunpowder Plot and Great Fire of London, governing France through their puppets Cardinals Mazarin and Richelieu, and attempting to subvert decent British society through the creation of the Quakers. Their conspiracy was truly global. They were accused of Machiavellian political intrigue in Ethiopia and their model Indian colonies in Paraguay were seen as an attempt to create their own power-base within that country, a Jesuit state within a state. [33]

While it is easy to see why Protestants should fear the Jesuit order for their missionary activities and attempts to reconvert those peoples to Roman Catholicism, suspicion of the Order was also extremely common in Roman Catholic countries. They did have an enormous range of commercial activities – banking, mining, real estate, and involvement in the spice and silk trades, as well as vast and extremely lucrative agricultural estates in Mexico. [34] They also produced theoretical political tracts, such as that of Juan Mariana’s De rege et Regis institutione, which argued that ultimately a monarch’s power derived from the people, and which was duly burned by the Parlement of Paris as a threat to the French constitution in 1610. [35]

Rival Roman Catholic orders resented the Jesuit’s competition for students at the universities, as confessors to the great and powerful, and as missionaries in the conversion of the heathen. [36] Ordinary parish priests and bishops resented the Order’s intrusion into local parish and diocesan affairs and refusal to pay tithes and other ecclesiastical taxes. [37]

In the fraught political atmosphere of Elizabethan England, ordinary Roman Catholic priests who sought to maintain a nonconfrontational ministry bitterly resented the appearance of Jesuit missionaries and their aggressive campaigns to win back heretics for bringing secular priests, and “other more honest and single-hearted Catholics” into “a gulf of danger and discredit”. [38]

The Church within the various independent Roman Catholic nations resented the Jesuits as representing transmontane, papal intrusion into their specific ecclesiastical affairs, while Roman Catholic monarchs resented the papacy itself as a rival axis of power. [39] Thus, “whenever a national government grew tired of Roman behaviour … it was likely to voice its dislike of the Society of Jesus, a body with (notionally at least) a supranational identity who even went so far as to swear a special fourth vow of obedience to the pope.” [40] The result was a series of arrests and suppressions of the Order: Portugal in 1758, France 1764 and Spain in 1767 before the Order was finally dissolved. by papal decree completely in 1773.
[41]

Although the Order was reformed in 1814, the legacy of suspicion and dish ust remained. In addition to political attacks from governments from Spain, France and America, radical authors such Eugene Sue, in his Le Juif Errant, serialised in the French newspaper Le Constitutionnel in 1844-5, launched fresh attacks on the Jesuits. [42] Tellingly, one of the anti-Jesuit characters in the book is a German nationalist, dreaming the Enlightenment dream of a rational, liberating religion, purged of priestcraft and superstition. [43] Thus, in addition to the previous accusations directed against the Society, the Jesuits were now viewed also as the agents of stifling theological irrationalism and reaction. This view was especially popular in America, where Roman Catholicism in general and the Jesuits in particular were widely resented because of concerns over immigration. In contrast to American democracy and reason, Roman Catholicism was reviled as ‘a system of darkness and slavery, mental, bodily and spiritual’ completely antithetical to ‘republican civic theories in legislation and political economy. [44] Dan Brown’s depiction of the Roman Catholic church, and Opus Dei in particular, are merely the latest permutation of this American perception of irrational and repressive Roman Catholicism.

Traditional fear of the Jesuits is only one of the historical factors behind the appearance of The Da Vinci Code and the various related works of religious pseudohistory. Equally important were the Victorian crisis of faith and the emergence of Theosophy. Although the Deists of the eighteenth century had argued for a Deus absconditus, an absent God who had created the world, which He had then left to run itself according to the laws of Newtonian mechanics, it was in the 19th century that such religious scepticism became acute. Late nineteenth-century radicals, such as ‘Scepticus Britannicus’ and Thomas Paine, followed William Godwin in viewing God and religion as repressive institutions, which would be removed by democracy and scientific progress. [45]

Charles Hennell argued that there was nothing mysterious in Christ’s life. He was merely a religious teacher attempting to regain the throne of David

The Romantics retained this deep alienation from traditional Christianity, preferring instead a celebration of nature as leading to a feeling of transcendence. Keats’ Endymion, for example, articulated a Platonic notion of spiritual ascent to the divine through encountering natural ‘symbols of immensity’, which point to their platonic archetypes. Keats himself was bitterly hostile to the established church, arguing in his ‘To Percy Shelley, on the Degrading Notions of Deity’, that the Anglican church had created its idea of God from fear, vested interests and bigotry. [46]

In addition to these Romantic, radical sentiments the Enlightenment project of demythologising and producing a rational religion, as expounded in such 18th century works such as J. Toland’s Christianity Not Mysterious (1696), continued with the publication of works such as Charles Hennell’s 1838 An Inquiry Concerning the Origins of Christianity. Hennell argued that there was nothing mysterious in Christ’s life. He was merely a religious teacher attempting to regain the throne of David. After His execution by the Romans, Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea, as a precautionary measure, removed his body from the tomb, which the early church mistook as the Resurrection.

While this view also suffers from logical inconsistencies and contradictions, it was very influential. The radical German writer, David Friedrich Strauss, had presented much the same image of Christ three years earlier in his Life of Jesus. Both Hennell and Strauss had a profound effect on leading intellectuals in Victorian society, such as George Eliot [47]

The impetus for this attack on the historicity of the Incarnation – the central tenet of mainstream Christianity – came largely from the German philosopher Lessing, who argued that no rational basis could be found for such developments, which were completely unreasonable. As a result, writers such as Ernest Renan could construct a life of Jesus, which portrayed Him as a mere human being with a case of megalomania. [48] Other Victorian intellectuals, such as J.A. Froude, Matthew Arnold and F.W. Newman lost their faith through repugnance at theological doctrines such as original sin, predestination and substitutionary atonement. [49] As a result, the holy God and man of the Gospels was reimagined as nothing more than a moral
teacher. [50]

Continue to Part Two >>>>

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References for Part One

1. ‘Book is All Wrong, Critics Say’, The Sun Herald, 12th May 2006, at httpa/www.sunheralbd.com/mld/thesunheraldlliving114560165/htrn? template contentlV.
2. ‘Odessa (Organisation de SS Angehorige)’ in Taylor, J., and Shaw, Warren, A Dictionary of the Third Reich (London, Grafton 1987), p.265.
3. Williams, R., ‘The Bible’, in Hazlett, I., ed., Early Christianity: Origins and Evolution to AD 600 (London, SPCK 1991), p. 83.
4. Bray, G., Creeds, Councils and Christ (Leicester, Inter-Varsity Press 1984), p. 44.
5. Williams, ‘Bible’, p. 86; Bray, Creeds, p. 44.
6. Hall, S.G.,’Ministry, Worship and Christian Life’, in Hazlitt, Early Christianity, pp. 106-7.
7. Chichester, D., Christianity: A Global History (London, Penguin 2000), pp. 160-1; Hall, ‘ Ministry’, p. 107; ‘The Claims of Rome 341′, in Bettenson, H., ed., Documents of the Christian Church, (Oxford, Oxford University Press 1963, p. 79.
8. Williams, ‘ Bible’, p. 85; Bray, Creeds, p. 45.
9. Williams,’Bible’, p. 85.
10. Bray, Creeds, p. 44.
11. Eusebius, The History of the Church, G.A. Williams, trans., and A. Louth, ed., (London, Penguin 1989), pp. 113, 425.
12. Wiles, M., ‘Orthodoxy and Heresy’ in Hazlett, Early Church, p, 202; Dillon, ‘Monotheism in the Gnostic Tradition’, in Athanassiadi, P., and Frede, M., Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, Clarendon Press 1999), p. 74.
13. Elton, G.R., Reformation Europe 1517-1559 (London, Fontana 1963), p. 31.
14. Erasmus, D. Praise of Folly, Radice, B., trans, and Levi, A.H.T., ed., (London, Penguin 1971), p. 163.
15. Elton, Reformation, p. 33.
16. ‘Apocrypha’, in Evans, L. H., Brewer’s Dictionary of Phrase and Fable (Cassell, London 1959), p.42
17. Bray, Creeds, pp. 18-20.
18. Bainton, R., Here I Stand by Martin Luther (Tying, Lion Publishing 1978), p. 81.
19. Bainton, Luther, p. 333.
20. Wright, B, The Jesuits: Missions, Myths and Histories (London, HarperCollins 2004), p. 134.
21. Wright, Jesuits, p. 135. 22. Wright, Jesuits, p. 139. 23. Wright, Jesuits, p. 140. 24. Wright, Jesuits, p. 137.
25. Wright, Jesuits, p. 133.
26. Wright, Jesuits, pp. 128-31.
27. Libellus Magicus, at Metareligion: http/Iwwwmetareligion.comlEsoterismlMamicklCeremonial-magick/libellus magicus.htm.
28. Libellus Magicus, Metaretigion.
29. Wright, Jesuits, p. 138.
30. Wright, Jesuits, p. 138.
31. Wright, Jesuits, p. 136.
32. Wright, Jesuits, p. 135.
33. Wright, Jesuits, p. 137.
34. Wright, Jesuits, p. 148.
35. Wright, Jesuits, pp. 148-9.
36. Wright, Jesuits, pp. 151-2.
37. Wright, Jesuits, p. 152.
38. Wright, Jesuits, p. 152.
39. Wright, Jesuits, p. 153, 201.
40. Wright, Jesuits, p. 203.
41. Wright, Jesuits, pp. 171, 175, 176, 179.
42. Wright, Jesuits, p. 219
43. Wright, Jesuits, p.22.
44. Wright, Jesuits, p. 226.
45. McGrath, Atheism, p. 114.
46. McGrath, Atheism, p. 120.
47. McGrath, Atheism, p. 129.
48. McGrath, Atheism, p. 139.
49. McGrath, Atheism.p. 131.
50. McGrath, Atheism, p. 141.

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Schismatrix:
Reflections on the Cult of Information in Film and Beyond.
David Sivier

From Magonia 82, August 2003

Undoubtedly the biggest cinematic event of the past few months or so has been the Matrix Reloaded. Forming the middle act in a trilogy between the earlier Matrix and the Matrix Revolution, due to be released this autumn, the film has already generated more than its fair share of media hype and academic speculation, including one paper by Mercer Schuchardt, which claimed that it is a new religious parable for the information age. In its wake, philosophers have claimed that the world could, indeed, be a computer simulation run by an alien civilisation, a view taken up by no less than the astronomer and science writer John Barrow in the pages of New Scientist. [1]

matrixreloaded

Other, more sanguine critics, have complained about its great length and the messianism surrounding Keanu Reeve’s character, Neo. It is, of course, not the monumental philosophical tour de force claimed by the more excitable journalists and academics, but a fairly standard Hollywood blockbuster, though one which astutely mixes the balletic martial arts choreography of Hong Kong action movies with cyberpunk. None of it is actually terribly original, as some critics reviewing the academic literature already generated by the movie have pointed out. [2] Neither are the complaints of some of its detractors. The messianic theme may be at the forefront of its plot and action, but it’s hardly greater than that of Dune, and considerably less than many cult SF and Fantasy books now filling the shelves of Waterstones. Where the film is of interest is as an example of the cult of information and Virtual Reality as it has emerged in the last few decades.

The first thing to note is that the notion that the world is a giant virtual construct has been around for a very long time. Apart from Plato’s metaphor of chained prisoners seeing only the shadows of reality on a cave wall in The Republic, it’s a logical extension of the old philosophical problem of distinguishing dream from reality, when the only guide is one’s senses. By the 1980s this had been expressed in the academic philosophical literature as the ‘Brain in a Jar’ problem. This states that it is quite possible that we are all, indeed, nothing more than disembodied brains, convinced of our own corporeality by being fed sensory information artificially. The Polish SF writer Stanislas Lem used this notion in his short story, Doctor Diagoras. [3]

Diagoras, a Greek cyberneticist, has, as one of his experiments, constructed just such a series of disembodied mechanical minds. These minds are being fed pre-programmed recorded experiences, so living out ‘virtual’ lives. Supernatural phenomena, such as deja vue, ghosts and precognition, are the result of glitches in the programme, similar to those John Barrow suggests should be looked for in our consensual reality, where the recording has jumped forward a few moments. Lem was very much aware of the essentially religious nature of such a philosophical construct, and in another short story, Non Serviam, [4] describes a series of computer experiments in which virtual worlds are created, whose digital, ‘personetic’ inhabitants debate the possible purposeful creation of their reality by an outside force, the resulting theogonic arguments being recorded by the presiding scientists.

Lem himself was a fan of Philip K. Dick, whose novels also explore the problems of distinguishing between artificial and genuine reality, often overlaid with overt, if not blatant, religious speculation, as in Valis and the Divine Invasion. [5] While Dick is undoubtedly the best known, he was by no means the only SF author exploring contemporary science’s potential for myth and virtual realities. Jonathan Fast’s 1978 book, Mortal Gods, was set in a future where the human colonists of Sifra-Messa had created, through genetic engineering, the Mortal Gods of the title, transhuman titans, living in hyperspace, who physically personify the motifs and values of their worshippers’ society. [6] Elsewhere in the galaxy, Earth has been devastated by radiation from an erupting Black Hole in a cosmic war. As a result, the survivors had been forced underground, retreating into amniotic jars, to lead virtual lives through robot bodies on the surface controlled through telepresence.

While it isn’t quite the world of the Matrix – the humans are, in this instance, in control of the robots – in its depiction of a devastated world in which humans survive in bottles linked to intelligent machines as a kind of virtual reality, it isn’t far off by any means.

Although this artificial reality was benign, if horrific, far more malign visions of the potential of VR to enslave and dominate appeared later in the 80s. In the ‘Galactic Centre’ novels of Gregory Benford – Great Sky River, Furious Gulf Tides of Light and Sailing Bright Eternity - the remnants of future humanity, reduced to a hunter-gatherer existence by an aggressive machine civilisation, are pursued as vermin across the galaxy by the Mantis. [7]

Charged with eradicating the human pests, this robot electronically steals their minds, sucking them into its own personal virtual reality while at the same time fashioning grotesque sculptures from their bodies as art. Much the same attitude to their human victims is followed by the machine villains in Paul McAuley’s Red Dust. [8] Here, the great cybernetic intelligences ruling Earth and Mars, the Consensus and the Emperor, have rebelled against humanity, and are attempting to eradicate it from a universe in which intelligence has no place. On Earth, the Consensus has exterminated the human race as a way of preserving the terrestrial biosphere, though the artificial intelligences at the heart of the system have preserved humanity’s minds in cyberspace as worshippers, setting themselves up as virtual gods.

Mars’ own ruling machine, the Emperor, has been corrupted by the Earth’s Consensus into following the same gaol, encouraging its citizens to surrender their lives to become ‘half-lifers’, wired zombies dreaming their way into Heaven, the part of Martian Information Space reserved as an eternal environment for the dead. If SF is creating new mythologies for the scientific dispensation, then these machines – the Mantis, the Consensus, the Emperor – are truly its devils, cybernetic Lucifers stealing human souls to drag them down into virtual hells.

Of course, this essentially religious fear – of the soul’s enslavement and torture for all eternity by a malignant, nonhuman intelligence – would not exist if the writers could not present a plausible scenario for the cybernetic survival of the human personality after death. Following Marvin Minsky and the Extropian Downloaders, Benford presents just such a possibility in his books. Here, humans preserve the accumulated wisdom of generations of the deceased in the form of Aspects and Faces, digital recordings of their minds saved at the point of death. Each human carries a number of these cybernetic familiars to advise him, summoning them up from the depths of their circuitry as and when they are required.

McAuley adopts the same concept and terminology in Red Dust, though here the posthumous personalities are preserved and transmitted by nanotechnological viruses, their new incarnations revered as gods. Planned reincarnation through cloning is also foreseen. On Earth, natural reproduction has been abolished altogether, replaced instead by the recreation of past generations by clones, which then have the memories and personalities of their predecessors artificially implanted in a strange parody of the Buddhist cycle of reincarnation.

A similar process, though this time benign, appears in John Barnes’ A Million Open Doors, in which the dead live through clones electronically given the personalities of their deceased parent. [9]

McAuley, the founder of Rhibofunk/Gene Punk, was a biologist before becoming a professional SF writer, and has admitted on Radio 3 that in his novels he was deliberately trying to do for the biological sciences what William Gibson, Bruce Sterling and the Mirror Shades crowd had done for computers. Thus, in Fairyland and Red Dust, he depicted the squalid underside of decaying future worlds where, instead of hacking machine code, people cut and paste their own genomes in grimy back street salons, and nanotech viruses stalk the wetware processors of human brains like those of computers.

In all of this there is a very strong streak of messianism, apotheosis and apocalypticism little different, except in its technological underpinnings, from the more conventionally supernatural treatment of such themes elsewhere in fantasy and horror literature, and which frequently includes motifs and images from Christianity, as well as other religions. Both Gibson’s Neuromancer and McAuley’s Red Dust end in an apotheosis. [10] In the first, the hero’s shadowy A.I. employer. Wintermute, unites with its Brazilian counterpart, Neuromancer, to form a single intelligence which expands into Cyberspace; only, it is hinted in later books, to fragment into separate autonomous intelligences which take on the personae of Voodoo gods.

At the end of Red Dust, it is the hero, Wei Lee, who himself achieves this elevation to divinity, as, despite the murder of his physical body, he defeats the Emperor in Cyberspace to become the new, benevolent virtual ruler of Martian Information Space, effecting democratic reforms in its structure before planning his reincarnation in the body of a boy seeded with his memories by nanotech viruses. If the messianism in the Matrix and its subsequent outing was considered excessive by some, then it’s fairly certain they probably wouldn’t enjoy Red Dust: Wei Lee himself is revealed at the end to be a genetic construct, planned from before his birth to receive the viruses which would destroy the corrupted Emperor and the tyrannous human elite who serve it.

Lee himself is guided in his quest by the Virtual recreation of Elvis Presley, one aspect of a monad of personalities downloaded and adopted by a gestalt community of self-replicating probes in the Jovian atmosphere. This benign machine intelligence instead has incorporated aspects of the lives of Orpheus and Jesus into its persona, and in the end appears to Lee in cyberspace as Elvis driven in a pink Cadillac by Christ himself.

While it’s a slightly blasphemous handling of the person of Christ, it is a good illustration of the way the new scientific religious sensibility at the end of the 20th century was swift to adopt older, traditional religious beliefs and imagery. As such, it is only a stone’s throw from notions of Christ as an ascended Master living on Venus with Aetherius, or hearing the voice of God Himself in a UFO piloted by Quazgaa.

Elsewhere in the fantasy canon authors satisfy themselves with their heroes undergoing a Christlike passion before destroying their enemies and passing on, like Brian Lumley’s Harry Keogh in the last Necroscope book. Deadspawn. [11] Now afflicted by vampirism himself, Keogh is crucified by his vampire enemy Shaitan – who obviously has more than a passing resemblance to the Judaeo-Christian Satan and Muslim Shaytan – before destroying him in an explosion. Keogh’s then disembodied spirit is praised by one of the lower guardian intelligences of the Cosmos, and rewarded with reincarnation throughout the worlds of the multiverse in all of which he will retain the memory of his previous existence.

As with McAuley and, to a lesser extent, Gibson, there is an urge in these books to redeem the dead. Keogh is a hero throughout the sequence of novels as he uses his powers as a necroscope to converse amicably with the dead, offering them companionship and encouraging them to create a posthumous community by talking to each other, instead of spending eternity in lonely isolation, or torturing them for their secrets as the Vampires and their human counterparts do. At the end of Red Dust, Lee tears down the barrier around Heaven, the part of Information Space reserved for the dead, so that its denizens can communicate with the outside world, while granting those cybernetic ghosts forced to serve the Emperor their freedom.

Similarly, at the end of Necromancer Case grants the artificial, posthumous personality of the Texas Flat Line its freedom and transcendence in Cyberspace. It is significant that, despite his own brain death and brief existence as a virtual ghost in the machine environment of Neuromancer, the computers running the simulated reality are unable to intrude into Case’s own mind, even when he is trapped in their reality, a literary attempt to preserve some portion of human freedom and transcendence even in the face of god-like omnipotent machines.

I found myself wishing for the simple, humanistic belief that valued human life as it is, not just for what it may one day become

Of course, all this would be of purely literary interest were not for the fact that such a faith in the transcendent power of Information, a desire to pass beyond the ‘pearly gates of Cyberspace’ in Margaret Wertheimer’s succinct phrase, were not held by an increasing number of people. Paradoxically, given Richard Dawkins’ own vehement hostility to religion, his theory of memes forms a vital part of this new faith, a faith that raised its head several times during the Cheltenham Festival of Science in May this year [2003]. Discussing his latest book, Our Final Century, the Astronomer Royal Dr Martin Rees cautioned the audience against thinking that humanity was some kind of culmination. Our Sun was only halfway through its life, and there was no telling into what it may evolve. Like many, perhaps most professional scientists, he was unimpressed with predictions “from flaky Californian futurologists” that nanotech ‘grey goo’ was going to eat the planet, though there was a real, though remote possibility that humanity would be overthrown by intelligent machines.

It was on this point that the Faithful of the Wired Age arose to challenge him during the question and answer session. One young man wondered if humanity’s obsolescence by its machines would be a bad thing, given that these new, artificial intelligences may care more for the environment. I found that problematic, considering that such machines would probably have even less in common with the organic world than humanity, which is doing so much to destroy it at the moment. One young woman with blazing red highlights in her hair wondered why we should be so concerned about taking all this wetware – the human body and its attendant organic requirements – into space, as it was information, such as that on her computer, which was now more important.

Rees’ answer was that humanity still had a long, evolutionary future ahead of it. In the metaphor for the present situation he used, if you were transported back to the end of the Devonian period to see the first fish walk out of the sea onto land, you may well have considered it an ugly brute and bludgeoned it to death. If you had done so, however, the whole of land-based life would not have evolved.

It’s a good point, but I found myself wishing for the simple, humanistic belief that valued human life as it is, not just for what it may one day become. Bertrand Russell was asked once by the BBC while on a CND march why he was protesting against nuclear weapons. ‘Because,’ said the Great Brain, ‘they threaten to destroy the entire human race. And some of us think that would be a very great pity.’ Not perhaps the most intellectually sophisticated of answers, and recent biographies of the great man have shown that he wasn’t the paragon of moral rectitude you may have expected, but the answer did have the simple virtue of a straightforward concern for humanity, even in its present state.

I suddenly felt nostalgic for the fifties, where, for all the era’s numerous faults, at least such uncomplicated attitudes could be aired in the face of global extinction. The intellectual environment has grown more sophisticated, more cynical, since then, to the point where a return of a little intellectual directness would not go amiss.

Back at the Cheltenham Festival, another member of the audience asked Jim Al-Kalili during his talk on his book Quantum Physics: A Guide for the Perplexed - whose subtitle was surely lifted from Maimonides classic of Jewish philosophy – about the conservation of information without a base in matter. Al-Kalili poured cold water on this, too. He mentioned Edward Fredkin’s belief that information lay at the heart of reality, though at the moment it seemed that information always needed to be encoded in something concrete, like matter.

Following questions from a sceptical neuroscientist, who wanted to know if he really believed that quantum processes in the human brain gave rise to consciousness, Al-Kalili confessed that he thought this theory, from Hameroff and Roger Penrose, was also rather too farfetched. These two, an American neurosurgeon and a respected British mathematics professor, have suggested that tubulin molecules in the brain build up quantum information by adopting, in true quantum physical fashion, two separate states at once until a critical point is reached when the structure collapses and information is spread throughout the system as a whole, creating consciousness. Al-Kalili doubted that this was actually the case, and stated that he believed the theory had only been accepted because of who Penrose was, rather than being otherwise discarded.

Fredkin’s influence on the new virtual faith of transcendent information is strong, and has been remarked upon by Erik Davis, amongst others, but Dawkins’ memes also play an important, though muted role. [12] Meme was the term Dawkins gave to a self-replicating unit of information in his book The Selfish Gene. It was originally intended to be a metaphor for the expression and replication of genetic information. His example was a limerick – a meme, which contained the coded information for its own replication, like biochemical genes. The consequent structures in the human brain which arose to record this information could be seen as its phenotype, in the way the bodies of living creatures are the expressions of their genes.

Although intended merely as a metaphor, Dawkins then went on to use it to explain the evolution and propagation of cultural traits in human societies in his subsequent book The Extended Phenotype, which generated a lot of attention and controversy. There is something to it – recently, information processing techniques taken from DNA analysis have been used to show the similarity between changing tastes in babies’ names and genetic drift, [13] and the evolution of the P and Q Celtic tongues from a single parent language. [14] There are, however, also real drawbacks. The definition of a meme as a ‘self-replicating unit of culture’ is actually very vague, and can be used to cover almost every component of human society, from the insignificant – limericks, or shoe styles, say, – to the immensely powerful, such as religion and political ideologies. This is in sharp contrast to the clear definition of a gene as a tangible, biochemical phenomenon, a section of DNA coding for particular proteins.

Moreover, the initial idea of a meme has cross-pollinated with cybernetic information theory, so that the vehemently anti-religious Professor Dawkins can denounce religions as viruses of the mind. This last comment actually isn’t as original as it appears. The comparison between superstition and disease, specifically cholera, was made as long ago as the mid 19th century by the great popular educator James Augustus St John in his book The Education of the People. [15] Although the analogy has become rather more contemporary with the implication religious belief is specifically like computer viruses, it does seem to be part of the curious Victorianism that seems to inform many of Dawkins’ pronouncements.

The philosopher Keith Ansell Pearson in his book Viroid Life denounced the expectation of many Futurists that organic life would be replaced by mechanical beings as a kind of corrupt Hegelianism. [16] It’s an analysis, which could very easily be extended to cover memes. Instead of history being the process of the gradual enactment on the plastic plane of transcendental ideals, history and the evolution of human society becomes merely the result of the operation of competing memes acting on human consciousness. Indeed, to researchers such as Dr Sue Blackmore, the human mind is nothing more than a vehicle for these memes, just as the bodies of living organisms are no more than the vehicle for their genes. The selfish gene has become the selfish meme.

The idea of memes as autonomous, conscious informational creatures has penetrated SF, adding new dimensions to the scientistic Gnosticism of the 21st century. McAuley mentioned on BBC radio’s own short series investigating the transhurnan condition, Grave New Worlds, some years ago that he was influenced by the concept of memes when inventing the nanotech viruses used by corporations and politicians in Fairyland to alter behaviour and voting allegiance. Going further, in Benford’s last Galactic Centre novel to date, Sailing Bright Eternity, memes have become vast, godlike disembodied entities using gravity waves and other forms of energy as their substrate, evolved from the thoughts of the Clays, mineral intelligences based on crystalline lattices which arose to use the vast energies produced by the massive stars at the beginning of the cosmos. [17]

These memes are benevolent, seeking to end the war between organic life and the robotic Mechs so that both may evolve towards the electron-positron plasma, which will survive the cosmos’s final Heat Death. This drive for transcendence can be seen as a kind of positivist God-building, in which humanity itself advances towards an apotheosis through collective action. In this scheme, such memes become archons, or damons, lesser gods or spirits acting as intermediaries and agents for the higher being into which humanity will one day evolve. It is but a short step from this scientifically informed literary speculation to the far less scientifically respectable theorizing of many Forteans. Indeed, it bears more than a passing resemblance to John Keel’s suggestion that UFOs, fairies and other apparitions are the products of a deranged computer at the end of time, though with the difference that these more recently postulated computational entities lack even the semblance of a physical body.

The problem with such a view of ideas as abstract autonomous beings is that it ultimately leads back to the cry of the Idealist in Goethe’s Faust: “Ideas can be a tyranny/ To give one mental twinges/ If all my thoughts are really me/ My mind is off its hinges.” [18] People naturally rebel against notions of such determinism, as well as the view, articulated by Blackmore in her book The Meme Machine and elsewhere, that consciousness does not exist. It appears to contradict lived, empirical experience, as well as reducing humans to automatons controlled by their ideas and subconscious mechanisms, where the sense of self is only an illusion.

It also seems, curiously, to bear the stamp of Dawkins’ own moral hostility to the very phenomena he investigates. He has asserted that in his personal views he is almost anti-Darwinian, and railed against the ‘tyranny of the selfish gene’. Culture is a way out of that biologistic reduction of organisms to genetic determinism. In positing memes as the controlling evolutionary unit of culture, however, he has replaced genetic with cultural determinism, and so rails against them, or at least their religious expressions, as retrograde, oppressive forces. It’s almost as if there is something in his psychology. which, unable to accept the notion of humans as possessors of free will, compels him to erect prisons about the human condition to denounce and strive against.

Elsewhere at the Science Festival, other aspects of contemporary fringe belief raised their head. In their talk on the possibility of life on Mars, the astronomers Heather Coupar and Nigel Henbest recounted with dismay the argument Ed Malin had over the photographing of the infamous ‘Face on Mars’. Malin was one of the software engineers contracted by NASA to process the images from the Pathfinder probe. He refused to train the probe’s cameras on the Face because he saw it as a publicity stunt, not true science. Faced with people demonstrating outside the gates of JPL against what they saw as a NASA cover-up to hide the existence of intelligent life on the Red Planet after the probe’s imaging equipment went down after briefly capturing the Face, the NASA hierarchy insisted that Malin train the cameras back on the feature. After taking his objections all the way to Dan Goldin himself, who personally insisted on it, Malin eventually complied. The episode did, however, seem to have left him bitter. While Malin’s purist concern for scientific research over hype is perfectly understandable, even praiseworthy, in this instance the NASA top brass were actually quite correct in their actions.

canals

Faced with unfamilar perspectives the mind can play tricks on even the best of us, a classic example of this was Percival Lowell’s notorious Martian Canals

Faced with mass demonstrations at their gates and the growth of yet another irrational conspiracy myth, they were undoubtedly right in trying to forestall any further criticism by training the camera back on the Face. The result has been that the Face stood revealed as an ordinary mesa without any particularly strong resemblance to the human physiognomy, though Coupar jokingly suggested that this was due to the Martians coming out in the meantime to chip away at it to mislead us. As for the photograph apparently showing a sand-whale crawling at the bottom of a transparent plastic tube miles long, which so excited Arthur C. Clarke amongst others, Malin suggested that the image be rotated 90 degrees, at which it becomes an ordinary slumped dune at the bottom of a gully system. Faced with unfamiliar perspectives, the mind can plays tricks even on the best of us, so that it easy for even sceptics to see creatures which aren’t there.

A classic example of this, which Coupar and Henbest mentioned earlier in their lecture, was Percival Lowell’s notorious canals. These haven’t been recorded since they were effectively disproven by Antoniadi, circa 1916, and numerous astronomers and historians have wondered what he, and others like him, was looking at. Coupar recalled a conversation she had at Flagstaff with Clyde Tombaugh, the discoverer of Pluto. Tombaugh told her that he had seen canals on Mars plenty of times using Lowell’s telescope. In fact, the telescope was rather too powerful, so that Mars became too bright to look at through it when it was closest to Earth. Lowell had solved this problem by stopping it down – effectively reducing the instrument’s magnifying power – by placing a plywood board half over its aperture. Tombaugh himself had seen the canals, but always when he too had placed a board across it. This suggests that the canals were an illusion created by this technique, though it must also be added that Lowell and other astronomers like him were keen to see the specific features noted by Schiaparelli on his maps. Schiaparelli himself had failing eyesight, not recognised at the time, and so it’s quite likely that many of the astronomers who saw his canals had persuaded themselves to see features which were tragically optical illusions produced by the fading eyesight of a once brilliant observer.

Lastly. Coupar and Henbest discussed the possibility of human colonisation, both by terraforming and its alternative, the genetic modification of humans to survive on Mars in its present condition. Such a variety of humanity – Homo sapiens martialis - would need a tough, leathery skin to survive the radiation flux, and to get their oxygen by other means than from the atmosphere, possibly using altered livers to extract oxygen from fluids. This new breed of humanity was illustrated by a slide showing what could well have been three Greys emerging from the fog. The talk’s host jocularly declared that he already knew a good many people with leathery skins and dodgy livers, speculating that perhaps they were Martians.

Despite the tentativeness of this speculation, you do wonder how long it will be before this image of Homo sapiens martialis turns up in the fringe literature as fact, perhaps as time travelling colonists from the Red Planet’s future, in the way that the speculative reconstruction by Dr Dale Russell of the intelligent dinosaur which would have evolved if the Chicxulub asteroid impact had not occurred got roped into the UFO myth as the true identity of the alien Greys in David Buxton’s 1995 book, Aliens: The Final Answer.

Finally, Dr Kevin Fong’s talk on Medicine for Mars on the Saturday contained a detail, which should caution anyone against taking anomalous experiences reported by astronauts at face value. Discussing the immense physical and psychological challenges facing voyagers into the Deep Black, Fong, the director of Britain’s Institute of Space Medicine, and who himself had served on shuttle rescue and retrieval crews, stated that astronauts were vulnerable to auditory and visual hallucinations. As were submarine crews, where it is the second most common cause of manoeuvres being abandoned after ordinary accidents.

On one mission, two Russian cosmonauts were caught staring out of a porthole, as one had heard a dog barking and a baby crying. On another mission, two crewmembers had woken up to find a third about to take a spacewalk with his oxygen hose unattached. When questioned, the cosmonaut could give no reason for his potentially fatal actions, apart from the fact that he felt like taking a spacewalk. Given the isolation, incredibly cramped condition aboard spacecraft, and the intense physical disorientation, which occurs in microgravity, it is not surprising that the crews may occasionally suffer such episodes. It does, however, suggest that any UFOs, which may be reported by such crews from time to time could similarly be the result of such episodes, or optical illusions created by the problems of adapting to weightlessness. The immensity of space is deceptive, as well as mysterious.

From all this it may also be concluded that the cult of information, however, deeply felt, is as much a literary construct as a scientific postulate. This is not necessarily a criticism: myth is essentially a creation of the imaginal realm wherein poets of all eras have found their inspiration. Much of the embryonic science of early ages also found expression in poetry, from Empedocles to Lucretius’ long De Re Natura, whose atheism and scepticism made its translation one of the more scandalous literary products of the 17th century. Even now there is a considerable corpus of poetry inspired by science.

The mythographic tendencies of much science fiction are merely the latest expression of the perennial human drive to construct my1hs and cosmogonies from scientific speculation. Those scientists writing such are only following a long line of philosopher-adepts pointing to transcendent worlds available to the human intellect from the renaissance magi to Pythagoras and beyond. It does, however, warn us that other scientific minds, more fixed on the reality of what actually occurs, rather than dreaming of other, more glorious worlds, are much more sceptical of its reality. It’s a pity that some of this scepticism towards the wilder claims of certain futurists and technological visionaries were not rather more widespread.

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REFERENCES

  1. Barrow, J., `Glitch!’, New Scientist 17th June 2003, pp. 44-45.
  2. Grossman, W., ‘SF Overloaded, review of Yeffeth, G., with an introduction by Gerrold, D., Taking the Red Pill., Science, Philosophy and religion in The Matrix, in New Scientist, 21st June 2003, p. 55.
  3. Lem, S., ‘Doctor Diagoras’, in Tales of Pirx the Pilot, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Orlando.
  4. Lems S., ‘Non Serviam’, in A Perfect Vacuum, Harvest/Harcourt Brace Kovanovich, Orland 1978, pp.167-196.
  5. Dick, P.K., Valis. Bantam; The Divine Invasion, Timescape, both 1981.
  6. Fast, J., Mortal Gods, New American Library, New York 1978.
  7. Benford, G., Great Sky River, Victor Gollancz, 1987; Tides of Light, 1989; Furious Gulf, 1994; Sailing Bright Eternity, 1995.
  8. McAuley, P., Red Dust, Vista, London 1993.
  9. Barnes, J., A Million Open Doors, Orion, London 1992.
  10. Gibson, W., Neuromancer, Grafton. 1986.
  11. Lumley, B., Necroscope V: Deadspawn, Grafton, London 1991.
  12. Davis, E., Techgnosis, Serpent’s Tail, London 1988, pp. 125-5, 160, 281, briefly discuss Fredkin’s views of the universe as a ‘cellular automata’ – a Virtual simulation.
  13. ‘From Ashley to Zoe, its name drift at Work’, New Scientist, 21st June 2003, p. 26.
  14. ‘Just once for Celtic’, New Scientist, 5th July 2003, p. 20.
  15. Davies, 0., Witchcraft, Magic and Culture 1736-1951, Manchester University Press, Manchester 1999, p. 53.
  16. Pearson, K.A., Viroid Life: Perspectives on Nietzsche and the Transhuman Condition. Routledge, London 1997, p. 33.
  17. Benford, G., Sailing Bright Eternity, Vista, London 1995.
  18. Goethe, trans. Wayne, P., Faust Part 1, Penguin, London 1949,p.185.

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Crashed Cups
An Interim Response to Peter Brookesmith.
David Sivier

From Magonia 61, November 1997

In issues 54-6 of this magazine, the erudite Peter Brookesmith ran the first two of a three-part article entitled Communion Cups and Crashed Saucers. Therein, he attempted to locate the origin of the saucer mythos squarely within Western religious experience, particularly that of the ‘American Religion’. It was an impressive piece. Brookesmith is an elegant writer with a deep understanding of the scientific and religious issues. He applies Occam’s razor with almost surgical skill. Moreover, he is not afraid of courting controversy. In this case he savagely attacked the Semitic religions supposed psychological evils, using Hyam Maccoby’s Judas Iscariot and the Myth of Jewish Evil to castigate Christianity in particular with its semitic past. It was heady, pungent, hard-hitting material.

It’s also deeply flawed. Religion is a notoriously difficult thing to define. Not all cultures have gods or a concept of an immortal soul as articulated in the Semitic religions, though they may have a concept of supernatural powers or ceremonies or rituals which are central to their culture. A truly alien civilisation, such as the Mechs in Gregory Benford’s Galactic Centre novels may well only be able to understand it as ‘a form of art’ (1). Political and social movements such as Fascism, Communism and Humanism may also be classed as religions. The above movements all have an inward, moral dimension as well as an outward corporate structure and their own set of rituals, even if the first two consisted mostly of watching the great dictator rant on his balcony. They also offer a form of transcendence – the individual gains purpose and the reward of being part of the greater struggle of the race, or the working class, or simply a sense of communal solidarity against the great mysteries of human experience.

Question of morality are, of a necessity, couched in the language of transcendence. Although utilitarianism – the philosophy that good is whatever gives the greatest happiness to the greatest number – remains popular with Vulcans, most discussions of morality are founded, albeit unconsciously, in transcendentalism. This states that moral values, goals and duties are transcendent, fundamentally true and eternally fixed things, not subject to vagaries of time and fashion. A comparison is made between moral values and mathematics. Murder is a evil for the same reason that 1+1=2. Neither fact changes, regardless of whoever and whenever the deed or calculation is performed. People, including atheists, can and will martyr themselves for their beliefs, or castigate themselves for their own perceived unworthiness. As a social force, religion is best defined by its origin in the Latin ‘religio’ – binding together. Religion binds man to man to form society, and human beings to the cosmos and the divine.

If religion is notoriously difficult to define, how much harder is it to define ‘the American religion’. Brookesmith is clearly impressed with the book of the title, and quotes it several times in his article. By this he presumably means the forms of Christianity and Reform Judaism which externally have massed choirs, an anglophone ritual and where the sexes are not segregated in the congregation. Internally, these religions preach individualism, self-reliance, democracy and progress. This marks off Protestant America from the Roman Catholic, Hispanic countries to its south. One Latin American writer spoke of the railway journey between Mexico and the United States as “moving from the melancoly ‘We’ to the triumphant ‘I’.”

National characteristics are abstractions, however. Within any society there are individuals who perceive their culture differently from the rest, and may hold views that the rest consider deviant.

America is not, and has never been, a monoculture. It was settled by a patchwork of competing immigrant European communities who interacted with the native peoples. Although this interaction largely took the form of genocidal warfare, the First Nations did leave their mark on the American political system, which was partly modelled on that of the Iroquois League. A sizable proportion of the American population has always been Roman Catholic, with a slightly different ethic from their Reformed and Evangelical co-religionists. In addition to this there are extra-European cults brought by those poor souls hauled over there during the slave trade. Voudon, Santia and Rastafarianism all have their American devotees, and can all be called American religions with at least as much accuracy as mainstream Protestant Christianity. Rather more recently, Buddhism, Islam and the Baha’i faith have all made inroads into the American soul. There’s also a strong occult tradition from Pennsylvania Dutch powwowing to the more recent imports of Druidism, Wicca and Crowleyanism.

Of course, the dominant religious tradition was Christianity, but in recent years this has broken down. The religion of progress is now being supplanted by cults that reject technology as a source of evil. Ecopaganism and the revival of interest in First Nation and tribal spirituality are the most obvious examples of this. Ritual magick, Crowleyanism, Wicca, Juidism and Odinism are cultural imports from Europe, especially Britain, but they’ve settled down nicely in their new homeland. so nicely in fact, that they’ve assimilated themselves to the local population and then been re-exported back to Europe.

It comes as no surprise that Russia’s Chief Shaman, Alina Slobodova, got her diploma in shamanism from Professor Harner in California. (2) These religious movements may be intensely antiscientific, harking back to a simpler, richer and holistic society which many of their members may seek to recreate, such as the Tipi people in Vancouver. These cults frequently invoke alien activity as an article of their faith. Many explicitly see the saucers as leading us into the New Age of peace, harmony and sensitivity to nature. Brookemith discusses the impact of Christian millenialism on Darkside Ufology, (3) yet any discussion of the influence of new religious movements, especially those which have their origins in tribal spirituality, on ufology is curiously absent.

A cultural commentator has remarked that much of the dissatisfaction in American society and rejection of progress has come from the realisation that America is no longer a new country, but is now actually quite old

In the late 40s and 50s when ufology emerged, many Americans certainly did have a naive faith in the benefits of technology. Society and ufology have changed since then, however. At least one cultural commentator, an Australian architectural student, has remarked that much of the dissatisfaction in American society and rejection of progress has come from the realisation that America is no longer a new country, but is now actually quite old. Yet despite his awareness of the changing, fluid nature of the subject, Brookemith seems to locate ufology’s ethnographic present firmly in 1947. The world and America have come a long way since then. The most obvious change is that the moral consensus is breaking down. Politics and social life is no longer the preserve of middle class white males, no matter how much the Republicans may huff and puff. This invalidates, at least partially, the concept of an ‘American religion’.

Another point that needs mentioning is that some of Brookesmith’s sources are themselves highly dubious. He makes extensive use of Hyam Maccoby’s Judas Iscariot and the Myth of Jewish Evil which is, by the author’s own admission, a controversial work. Maccoby is librarian at a Leo Beck college, a Jewish institution, so his work is hardly that of a disinterested observer. His book’s central tenet is that Christianity is an intrinsically racist, antisemitic religion and he goes to great lengths to prove it. This is a reversal of the usual racist polemics, where Gentile Fascists attempted to prove Jewry’s hostility to the Gentile world through a selective use of those parts of the Talmud written against the amme ha-aretz – common people or goyim. While it’s true that the passion narratives in the Gospels present an extremely unflattering portrait of Jewish society in its hostility and cruelty to Christ, the New Testament as whole has a much more complex attitude to the Jews. “Give no offence to the Jews or Greeks” preached Paul. (4)

To Paul the Jews were always God’s chosen people, even after his conversion to Christianity: “For I am not ashamed of the Gospel: it is the power of God for salvation to everyone who has faith, to the Jew first and also to the Greek”. (5) It’s also worth mentioning here that the Greek word usually translated as ‘Jews’ in the New Testament, ioudaioi, can also mean simply Judeans, inhabitants of Judea. Modern theologians are keen to point out that the New Testament is anti-Judaic rather than antisemitic. Judaism as a religion is attacked, but not the Jews as a race. Although Christianity does have a shameful record of antisemitic prejudice and hatred, this has not always been the case. In the 11th century abbot Stephen Harding while seeking accurate Hebrew texts for the Old Testament collected them from French Jewry. The Fifth Monarchy Men of the Cromwellian interregnum were zealously pro-Jewish, an attitude still quite common among the Evangelicals today. Chick Publications may spit hate at Catholicism, but in its respect for Judaism it is almost embarrassingly effusive.

.Judas-Iscariot_wa.. 

Maccoby’s theory that Judas Iscariot was an invention of the Christian church after its leadership passed to Gentile bishops seems unnecessary from an historical point of view. With the hostility of the Jewish mob and Sanhedrin already clearly detailed in the passion narratives, why should it be necessary to invent another villain for the drama, especially as the two leading religious opponents of Christ within the Sanhedrin are explicitly named in non-canonical sources like the Gospel of Nicodemus? It seems far more likely that Maccoby’s theory arose to justify his own psychological conviction that all Christians are violent antisemites.

Brookesmith’s use of Maccoby is actually quite elegant. It allows him to avoid accusations that he himself is antisemitic, while seeming to confirm his own prejudices against Christianity. Most arguments for the brutal nature of the Semitic religions largely draw on the Old Testament. The doctrine that the Jews are God’s chosen people has also been drawn into the debate. The attitude among certain neopagans and members of the antichristian left is that this doctrine is a prefiguration of Fascism and Hitler’s doctrine of the master race. Needless to say, this leaves the proponents of this theory open to charges of antisemitism. By including a book that violently attacks Christianity for its supposed antisemitism, Brookesmith has effectively dodged any potential accusations that he could be included in the roll call of the racists.

When accusations of this nature are thrown around, the ethnic origin of the writers attacked becomes immaterial. Several Jewish anti-Zionist writers have been accused of antisemitism, an accusation which may, unfortunately, carry verisimilitude as some Jews such as Dan Burros, have for their own perverse reasons joined neo-Nazi organizations. Brookesmith certainly isn’t a Nazi. His writings reveal not only a breadth of knowledge of the Talmud but also the occasional joy in its texts. His writings as a whole betray a sincere antiracism and opposition to antisemitism. He obviously includes Maccoby from a deep disgust at Christianity, rather than as a cynical maneuver in the argument. Not everyone may see that, however, and it does not necessarily stop the accusation, being made. This does not, however, mean that either Maccoby or Brookesmith is correct.

Brookesmith also has a fashionably feminist assault on the Semitic conception of God. He follows the traditional Semiticview of God as a masculine deity because he “cannot believe that anything with feminine qualities – anything other than abeing saturated in a massive overdose of cosmic testosterone would be as barbarous as the Semitic God is reported to be (inall derived religions)”. (6) This point was made two decades ago by some of the more violently antichristian of the neopagan -polemicists, and it’s quite a difficult one to answer. Certainly the vengeful Old Testament God who struck down Gideon for touching the ark of the Covenant in a mere attempt to steady it hardly shows Himself to be a compassionate being. Yet this type of savage behaviour is hardly confined to Yahweh. The Greeks’ Zeus and Vikings’ Odin were both known as martial gods who couldn’t be trusted. They were capable of violent and duplicitous behaviour which certainly exceeded that of the Lord of Hosts.

Nor is boorishness and brutality a trait confined to the male sex. Mars had his female counterpart in Bellona, the Roman goddess of war. Athena sprang fully armed and equipped for battle from her father’s head when he was suffering from a headache. These goddesses were especially brutal when spurned or crossed in love. Ishtar of the Sumerians is reproached by Gilgamesh for using and destroying her lovers. Cybele sent her lover mad so that he castrated himself. In honour of their hero, her priests in Rome castrated themselves and dressed as women. Within Hinduism the goddess Kali is still revered and held in terror. The goddess of death and destruction, her skin is a menacing black, her necklace a string of skulls. She is the consort of Shiva, the destroyer, dancing on his corpse to give him life. As the dark side of the maternal goddess Durga, there is precious little of the ‘large, warm, comforting Earth Mothers’ about her.

Regardless of the particular sex of the deities, they are symbols and attempts of the human mind to grasp the problem of evil. Theodicy is one of the trickiest parts of theology, as no explanation of evil and human suffering will ever be truly satisfactory. Monotheism lends itself to the accusation that its God is evil because it does not have an ultimately coeternal ‘other’on whom evil qualities may be projected. Explanations that God created Satan and evil to give humanity a choice now sound trite, almost as trite as the neopagan doctrine that evil does not exist, and that evil ads and conditions are merely the results of disharmony within individuals and institutions.

Brookesmith is pleased to call religion and, by extension, the abduction phenomenon, as the cult of despair. It’s “subjugation to incomprehensible and uncompromising savages, who like wanton schoolboys kill us for their sport” (7). The aliens, like God, always “hold the final way of escape”. (8) I felt the same existential depression reading Games People Play and the writings of the sociobiologists. If altruism and morality is merely the case of the selfish gene protecting its progeny, then where is the hope for humanity? From whence can spontaneity and goodness proceed, if even our better motives are mired in greed and self-interest? Can humanity ever improve, ever become greater than the sorry flesh it now inhabits? The prognosis is doubtful, at best. Religion offers some hope of transcendence, a slim chance of leaping into the infinite, even if that chance is hedged with theological pitfalls and constraints. The only alternative is the pessimism and denial of the world of the Buddhist.

This, however, is going off the track a bit. Brookesmith makes great play of the asexual, cerebrally advanced nature of the Greys, comparing them with the neuter portrayal of the angels. For this he draws upon William Blake. Now, Blake was abrilliant poet, artist and visionary. He was also deeply heterodox in his thought, and is hardly a representative of conventional Christian thinking. The Bible makes it abundantly clear in Genesis that the angels were quite fully functional in that department, for how else could they have mated with the daughters of men to spawn the Nefilim? And when you answer that question, please don’t try my patience with any nonsense about genetic engineering, cloning or ancient astronauts. Some of the Christian antipathy to sexuality comes not so much from its Judaic roots, though these are the strongest influence, but from certain strands in Platonic thought. No culture is entirely comfortable with sexuality; they are aware both of sexuality’s importance in creating society through the binding of individuals and families together in marriage, and of its potentially antisocial nature through adultery and marital strife.

Aside from this, the Greys in their habitation of a liminal fairyland are far closer to our old friends the Elves and the Pixies, even if we, take on board Quazgaa and the voice of God. These creatures certainly weren’t celebate. Victorian fairy pictures are replete with evanescent pubescent nymphs wearing only the flimsiest of diaphanous gauze engaging in all kinds of erotic play with their male gallants. The paintings may well have served as a release for the pent up sexuality repressed by the Victorians, but they also serve as a reminder of a perennial human obsession: sexuality as a link to the divine, or at least superhuman.

The Greys are only one form of ET. There are also the Nordics, the reptoids, mummies, dwarves and hairy sasquatch creatures. In recent years they’ve been overshadowed by their small insectoid colleagues, but they’re still out and about there. Brookesmith links the Nordics quite convincingly to northern European representations of angels, the mummies can be identified strongly with Andean custom of revering the embalmed dead and the dwarves’ folkloric antecedents don’t really need an explanation.

But what are we to make of sasquatch and his mates aboard the aliens’ craft? Hirsutism is linked, both in Europe and Asia, with animal qualities. You think of all the grind show acts featuring the wolf-boy. Hairy barbarian is another favourite image linking facial and body hair to low intelligence, savagery and cruelty. Sasquatch is supposed to be a denser relative of modern man, or perhaps his neaderthal cousin, eking out a living in backwoods America, Russia and China. He’s not even supposed to be alive, let alone zipping about in a flying saucer collecting plant samples from Latin America. The only psychological explanation for him in this situation I can think of is that he represents some kind of untainted primal man, like the hairy Enkidu in the Epic of Gilgamesh.

 *********enkidu
He represents some kind of untainted primal man, like the hairy Enkidu in the Epic of Gilgamesh.

There’s a similar problem with the aliens’ location in space. Brookesmith links it to the traditional conception of the heavens as the abode of God. This is only one of the origins of the Outsiders in the Saucer mythos, however. There’s also the chthonic aspect. The deros and teros are under our feet, even as we speak, manipulating us with their engines. They fly out from the holes in the poles to spread terror over the globe, which is covered with ley lines to act as energy points to power their craft. And deep down under Area 51 there are. the laboratories and vats, fruits of their collaboration with the US government.

This is not Heaven. This is sheol, the abode of the dead. The personnel down there are truly ‘those who sit in darkness; the river Lethe of which they drink sapping their ethics as well as their identities. It is the abode of Pluto, the dark and forbidding god of wealth, from whom the military wins its technological gold for which they must pay with human souls. It might be stretching the point a bit, but you could even say it was the domaine of Vulcan. The divine smith is in his lair, under the volcano, forging his wonders such as the mechanical handmaids who serve him. He is ugly, lame and jealous, intensely distrustful of his wife’s affairs with other men, particularly his arch rival Mars. Now there’s a metaphor for the abduction mythos if ever there was one. Technology (Vulcan, or the Greys) wedded to beauty and sensuality (Venus, and by extension the erotic and sexual elements of the abduction mythos), who flirts and betrays him to the military (Mars). As an archetype, it fits the abduction mythos very well. We are now a long way from a simple identification of the saucer mythos with the Judeo-Christian tradition.

This brings me to my next point. The saucer mythology is a global one, not confined to America. There are reports from Europe, Australia, Latin America, China, Japan, India and Africa – just about everywhere except antarctica. European, Australian and Latin American culture has the same Christian roots as America, and Turkey, Iran and the Arab countries still have cultural links with the West through their worship of Allah, Yahweh under a different name, and the permeation of their scientific and religious thought with Greco-Roman philosophy. Hindu India and the Buddhist nations are completely different cultural entities, however. Yet these seem to have taken up the ufological gauntlet in recent years with a relish. If ufology has its roots so deeply embedded in the American religion, then how is it that this plant has been successfully transplanted onto such foreign soil? It’s true that this century has seen the successful export of American culture in the form of Coca-Cola, movies, rock music, art, fashion and capitalism.

This cultural penetration is by no means universal or unchallenged. The Communist bloc bitterly resisted any cultural penetration of the decadent West into its cultural sphere and rock music was singled out for especial attention. Merely playing it could get you twenty years in a gulag. Now that Communism has gone the way of the Berlin Wall, rock’s been taken up with alacrity. It has, however, taken particularly Russian and Eastern European forms, marrying itself to a strident and unpleasant nationalism. Islam too is waging its own kind of kulturkampf with the West. This may take the form of a complete rejection and hostility to Western cultural forms such as democracy and feminism, as in Iran, or to a limited acceptance as in Egypt and a positive espousal of secularism as in Turkey. Everyone may now wear jeans and T-shirt the world over, but by and large the world’s nations still retain their own popular music traditions. Sometimes these westernised appearances are just cosmetic.

The most powerful symbol of the new technological age was the moon landings. Just about everyone on the Earth who had access to a television watched them. It brought the reality of space travel home to the world’s population in the most dramatic way possible, making credible theories regarding interplanetary and interstellar travel, and generating an intense interest in SF. This should cause problems for ufological investigators in the Third World. Star Wars, Star Trek, ET and Close Encounters have been shown the world over. Even in Iran, where Western entertainment is strongly discouraged, an underground exists where cultural forms from outside the Islamic world are indulged. In Isfahan during the Revolution the faithful were watching Arnie as The Terminator. The governing clergy have, in recent years, expressed horror at the growth of satellite television. It’s now illegal to own a satellite dish. This may not present a problem, as with the aids of a few judicious bribes, a little ideological freedom may be bought along with a subscription to Rupert Murdoch’s burgeoning global stranglehold.

This does not, however, mean that Western values or views are purchased along with their entertainment forms. No audience passively absorbs everything they read, hear or see. Rather, a dialogue occurs whereby they take on board what appeals to them, and reject what does not. Identification is far too simple a theory to explain adequately what goes on within the audience’s psychology when enjoying a drama. (9) At the international level, non-western peoples negotiate First World cultural imports within the context of their own cultural forms. Thus, a South American lawyer can encounter alien beings, whose lineage lies in the huacas of the Incas. Cynthia Hind of UFO Afrinews has complained of the difficulty in getting Africans to report encounters with UFOs. They may interpret bizarre lightforms and otherworldly beings not as alien visitors but as returning gods or ancestors from their tribal belief systems: “Thus, when I approach witnesses of supposed sightings or contacts, I can be 99 per cent certain that their interpretation will be representative only of their culture.” (10)

This should disturb everyone genuinely interested in collecting the original narratives of Fortean phenomena. Hind appears here trying to foist her ideological framework on reports which the percipients have framed according to quite a different set of beliefs. If ufology is nothing more than a Western postsecular mythology, then it is no more true or valid than the African beliefs Hind believes it supplants. I don’t wish to be seen as accusing Ms Hind of deliberately disparaging or undervaluing African culture. I merely wish to point out the dangers inherent in reading unusual narratives which may embody two deep and conflicting world views.

The world’s debate is not one-sided either. It’s simply not a case of the rest of the world passively absorbing at different levels the cultural effusions of America and the West. A dialogue goes on, in which Western cultural forms may merge with noneuropean ideologies and arts, and then be re-exported back to the West. In the case of Science Fiction, the most obvious example is the Japanese Mango movies which have gained a cult following in recent years. Although they show the universal SF concern with technology and machines, the stories are framed within Japanese Confucian, Buddhist and Shinto roots. If you need an example, watch Fists of the North Star. The first 20 minutes of that epic is a narrative interpreting a future nuclear holocaust within the context of Taoist theories concerning harmony and disharmony. This actually makes the film sound far more interesting than it actually is. Plan 9 is far better.

The Wiccan and ritual magick movements which are now growing also absorbed much Eastern philosophy. One Wiccan prayer allegedly written down by Sanders or Gardner was lifted almost verbatim from Hinduism, but with the names of the deities changed to reflect the sexual dualism within modern Wicca. Wicca and related forms of occultism have played a major part in the mystical fringe element surrounding the Green movement. We are now told, for example, that Gaia, the living Earth, has chakras just like the human body. This seems to be following in the tradition of Arthur Shuttlewood et al, who advanced the theory that the Earth was covered with energy lines along which the saucers flew. This was in itself an appropriation of Alfred Watkins’ ley lines, though in a new, post-hippie form. Watkins had conceived of his old straight tracks as being nothing more than neolithic and bronze age roads. It was left to the Hippies to turn them into the ley lines of the cosmic power grid now so beloved of the ancient technology lobby. They did this through a more than healthy injection of feng shui, Chinese geomancy, in the form of Dragon Lines. The ultimate ancestor of the crop circle may have been the Mowing Devil, but he’s now been replaced by the suburban shamans. It’s to the Far East the ufologists now look, not the Near East.

Brookesmith is on even shakier ground when he tries to explore the psychology of the religions which he assaults. The ‘Christian myth’ is ‘sado-masochistic’. (11) Well, you can’t accuse him of mincing his words! The trouble is, nearly every corporate ritual society has can be accused of the same thing. The Bible is replete with stories of the sufferings of Israel at the hands of the Gentiles, and their liberation by a divinely inspired hero or heroine such as Esther. The reader of these stories is immersed in their sufferings, as the Christian is in the passion of Christ, gaining a sense of his own identity as part of the amma Israel or Christendom, and share in Israel’s or/and Christ’s triumph as Esther brings down Haman and Christ rises from the dead to reign in glory forever. If you want a secular version of this motif of vicarious suffering and redemption, try the Remembrance Day service at the Cenotaph. Every year the British people are invited to remember the great debt they owe those who sacrificed their lives in the Wars, and share in their appreciation of the triumph they gained in the form of a free Europe.

Brookesmith may be right in stating that “one of the subtexts of the Christian Eucharist is cannibalism” (12), possibly following such works as William Meyer’s Vampires or Gods, published by III Press. There is a pronounced difference, however. Within the pagan religions which preceded Christianity, the sacrifices were to the gods, whom the worshippers considered consumed the offerings. In Christianity, it is the God who is consumed by the worshippers. I fully realise that amongst certain individuals excessive contemplation of Christ’s passion and the evils of the world led to extremes of self-deprivation and self-mutilation, such as the flagellants. Such excessive displays of devotion have, by and large, been discouraged by the established churches. When such fanatical displays occur there are usually a number of hidden, sociological causes behind them. It would be naive to put them down purely as being caused by a religion (13). In this respect Brookesmith’s sources have betrayed him. The American Religion is as much about sociology as it is about religion.

Sociology, however, concerns itself ‘with ‘typical’ patterns of motivation of motivation as these might be located in terms of significant sociological variables-social class, education, sex, etc. It is not an attempt to provide an aetiology of motive’ (14). ‘It does not become an exercise in psychology’ (15).

To illustrate how complex the situation is, and how much of Brookesmith’s critique can be used in any cultural form, I would like the reader to consider the example of a football match. This is a mass corporate ritual whereby the faithful – the teams supporters – meet at an appointed hour on a day specially fixed for that purpose, usually sometime during Saturday afternoon. There, they watch a sacred drama which is replete in religious imagery. I even recall a poster for a match making use of the Biblical quote ‘Many are called, but few are chosen’. This fits the democratic and yet elitist nature of the game. Everyone is free to support, or not, the team of their choice. Only a minority of these, however, will be permitted to enter the pantheon of victors who win the Cup.

Like the abductees, their lives are not their own. Sides choose their champions from the hundreds of hopefuls presented to them through sports clubs and other confraternities. Their clubs buy and sell them as though slavery had not been abolished. The language used of the matches too fits the religious speech of ascetism and self-denial, of pushing oneself to the limits. Nietzche even observed that once faith in God was broken, people turned instead to health fads and physical fitness. Asceticism as an axiomatic good now seems deeply embedded within Western culture. On the pitch the players encounter herculean opposition, straining titanically to claim the final reward of victory. The trials through which they pass serve to make their triumph all the more glorious. The Church was certainly not unaware of the parallels between sport and the Christian life: ‘let us run with perseverance the race that is set before us’ (16). It was certainly not without reason that especially perseverant martyrs were called ‘athletes of Christ’. Football even has its recording angels – the referees, sternly ensuring that each sin does not go unnoticed, and enforcing the judgements of the higher powers. Of course, there is also the lucrative trade in kit in the team’s colours and other relics to satisfy the cupidity of the faithful.

Like the ufonauts, the players may also appear with grotesquely oversized heads perched precariously on thin, wizened bodies. This Mekonion appearance may seem strange, considering the amount of time they spend training themselves to physical perfection, but it is entirely explicable. I am, of course, speaking of the rubber choricatures of the England side being sold during the last World Cup. Lacking much of a sense of smell, humans recognise each other by physical, especially facial appearance. The easiest way to caricature a person, to distort him or her so as to make them look grotesque, yet keep them familiar, is to exaggerate his or her head. This is also an important factor in determining the physical shape of our alien visitors. They have large heads and spindly bodies. They are enough like us to appear credible as living beings, yet sufficiently grotesque to be marked out as alien and threatening. This is perhaps one of the most important reasons why the visitors in recent years have ceased to be technological humanoids and taken the form of our old grey friends.

“The problem is that there’s no middle ground in football any more – and we are in that middle ground”

.

There is another sphere which religion, sport and ufology share: prophecy. The Visitors seem to delight in bizarre and meaningless prophecies. ‘Cancer begins in the teeth’, for example. The pronouncements of the football pundits, however, are truly worthy of the Delphic oracle in there depth and impenetrability: ‘The problem is that there’s no middle ground in football any more – and we are in that middle ground’ (17). The similarities between football and religion mere made obvious by the painter Michael Browne in his depiction of Eric Cantona as the Risen Christ (below), widely shown in the newspapers and on television on the departure of the great sportsman from Manchester. One last thing needs to be said about football. The game is not inherently racist, but because of its mass appeal and absorbtion of nationalist sentiments, it can frequently attract racist elements who identify their teams with their own racist goals. In this it can mirror religion in the nationalistic and racial pressures that can be brought to bear on that.

cantona

It therefore seems to me that ufology is too complex a phenomenon to be reduced to a simple paradigm based on the ‘American Religion’, a concept that is anyway not without deep flaws and caveats. While the central tenet that the UFO phenomenon is merely a postsecular form of western spirituality is unassailable and the parallels drawn with other forms of religion pertinent and thought-provoking, it cannot be automatically compared with the Semitic religions. The arguments deployed against these in particular can be applied to so many other, secular rituals, that they lose their force. Ufology can only be explained or truly examined with reference to universal religious or existential concerns which take into account the globalisation of the phenomenon. It cannot be forced onto the procrustean bed of Brookesmith’s anti-Christian sentiments.

………………………………………………………

References:

1. Gregory Benford, Tides of Light, Gollancz.
2. Keith Wime,’Wime’s World Watch’, in DeVille’s Advocate 3, p. 23.
3. See under the heading The Cult of Despair, The Godlings Descend, Magonia 56, p.14.
4. Corinthians 1, verse 32, Chapter 10, Eyre and Spottiswoode Study Bible, Revised Standard Version.
5. Op. cit., Romans 1, verse 16.
6. Brookesmith, P., The Godlings Descend, Magonia 56, footnote 20, p.13.
7. Ibid, p.14.
8. Ibid, p.13, quoting Paul Tillich.
9. For a discussion of this in the world of the funny papers, see Martin Barker, Comics, Ideology, Power and the Critics, chapter 5: ‘The Vicissitudes of Identification’. The arguments marshalled can, of course, be applied to any entertainment or cultural medium.
10. Hind, C.,’UFOs Within African Culture’, in UFOs – The Definitive Casebook, Spencer, J., ed., p.144.
11. Brookesmith, P., op. cit, p. 14.
12. Ibid, p. 14.
13. As an example of this, see Victor S. Jeffrey’s Satanic Panic for a discussion of the complex sociological and economic causes for juvenile delinquency, pseudo-satanic crime and the modern witch-hunts.
14. Religion in Sociological Perspective, Bryan Wilson, OUP, p. 20.
15. [bid, p.20.
16. Hebrews 12 v.1., Eyre and Spottiswoode Study Bible.
17. Joe Royle, Liverpool Echo, quoted in Private Eye no. 917, ‘Colemanballs’ column, p. 16.

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Satanism and Class Conflict
David Sivier

magonia-66From Magonia 66, March 1999

One of the aspects of the Satanism scare that is least commented on is the part class antagonism and stereotypes seem to play in the construction of the archetypal Satanist. Although the victims of the modern Satanism scare, like their predecessors in the European witch craze, may come from any social class and part of society, the stereotypical Satanist according to rumour legends and the professionals and clergy engaged in hunting them belong to two extremes of – the social spectrum.

They are young people from working class families, drawn into the occult either through such Satanic influences as Hard and Gothic rock music, or else they are wealthy businessmen. It was in Magonia 51, that Roger Sandell (‘Still Seeking Satan’) noted that the therapists seeking out the Satanic abusers had declared that most cases of ritual abuse came from families on council estates, especially those in which children are “shouted at rather than talked to”. At the opposite social pole are wealthy businessmen, using their power and influence to corrupt society and preserve their immunity from prosecution for their crimes.

proctor-gambleThe quintessential example of this latter Satanic group is the American company, Proctor and Gamble, whose logo of the Man in the Moon surrounded by 13 stars was popularly considered to indicate the company’s Luciferian inclinations. If looked at carefully, the number of the Beast in Revelations, 666, could allegedly be found in the curls of the old man’s hair, while the 13 stars obviously represented the number of members in a black coven. Proctor and Gamble naturally vigorously deny any such allegations. Their logo evolved over a number of years and with differing numbers of stars since the company’s founding over a hundred years ago. The 13 stars actually represent, according to their public relations staff, the 13 founding colonies of the USA. Nevertheless, they have been forced to redesign it to remove any possible Satanic symbolism, which largely meant straightening out the Old Man’s hair so that the offending numeral can no longer be seen. Despite this, the rumour is remarkably persistent amongst Christians of all denominations and geographical areas, and the company has resorted to a policy of vigorous prosecution in order to restore its tarnished image.

Beyond this are rumours of organised Satanic groups such as ‘Scorpio’, long the target of parliamentarians such as the late Geoffrey Dickens, who allegedly abduct and kill young children as part of Satanic orgies. I have even heard stories from those with connection to the Class War anarchist group that Anarchist subversives have saved several children from death by decapitation at the hands of such groups. These gangs, allegedly, killed their victims in such a way as to make demons speak through the children’s violated bodies. I have to say that beyond this rumour I have neither seen nor heard anything to corroborate the story. It seems significant, however, that this myth of Satanic covens of businessmen is believed passionately both by Conservatives such as Dickens, and anarchist radicals.

The immediate justification for such suspicion and rumours among Christian groups is rooted strongly in the Bible. A certain antipathy towards the state and the wealthy and powerful has always formed a strong component of Christianity. Christ may have admired the faith of the centurion whose servant he cured, (1) and declared “Give to Caesar what is Caesar’s, give to God what is God’s”, (2) and St Paul urged good Christians to obey the authorities, (3) yet the central message of the Gospels was aimed strongly at the poor and oppressed. Parables such as the story of the rich man and Lazarus (4) and Christ’s meeting with the rich young ruler (5) exalt the humble against the wealthy, a position made clear in the Beatitudes, “Blessed are you who are poor” (6) and “But woe to you who are rich”. (7) This identification of Christianity with the poor was explicit in the names and attitudes of a number of Christian sects, such as the Ebionites, who took their name from the Hebrew word meaning “poor”, and the Waldensians, who, when they emerged in the 12th century, were called the Poor Men of Lyons after their town of origin.

Such attitudes have played a large part in popular rebellions against unjust rulers from the time of the Circumcellions’ revolt against Rome in fourth-century Africa onwards. It’s also played a very large part in socialist movements since the Digger communities of the Interregnum. Against this is the identification in the Bible of Satan as the lord of this world. Thus, those who are most closely connected with worldly affairs, such as business, risk guilt by association with its master.

This populist attitude is not limited to Christianity, however.  A common African proverb, often seen displayed on lorries, is “no king as God”. (8) Some Islamic sects, such as the Druze, believe that they are condemned to poverty and suffering until the wrath of God overturns the present order and makes their former oppressors their slaves, an attitude that permeates much of the millenarism in modern radical Islamic movements. More recently, some members of new religious movements such as the Wiccans have constructed a mythology of the ‘burning times’ by which they represent an indigenous folk religion oppressed by the wealthy Christian elite. The best example of this attitude is in Leland’s Aradia, the gospel of the witches. In this Aradia, Diana’s daughter by Lucifer, is sent by her mother to bring her rites and gospel to the escaped slaves of the rich, who are explicitly identified with the Christian nobility and clergy. This seems to borrow much from popular Albigensiansim, especially as in its later heretical forms such as Luciferianism in which the Devil was explicitly worshipped in the hope that those participating in the rites would also take part in his kingdom when he was restored to power.

Sects are primarily protest movements, and these early heresies with their stress on poverty and abstinence represented a popular protest by the poor peasantry and burgers against the worldliness of the medieval church. This aside, modern witches take great pains to dissociate themselves from Satanists, viewing themselves as survivals of a pre-Christian native religion distinct from Christianity, rather than a competing Christian heresy. Modern pagans, according to the Occult Census collected by Christopher Bray and his staff at the occult shop, Sorcerer’s Apprentice, are predominantly young, between twenty and thirty-nine years old, whose political alignments tended to be towards the Green and Liberal Democrat parties. Most were comfortably off. Only 10% were unemployed. (9) They are thus very far from the historical stereotype of the witch as a poor, lonely old woman.

It is, however, problematic as to the extent the European witch movements represented popular peasant religious traditions and how far they were creations of the witch founders’ own fantasies. Practically the only cases where the evidence is unambiguous are the case of La Voisin, who celebrated black masses for one of Louis IV’s mistresses in 1680, and the aristocratic occultism of the fin de siecle Decadence. Decadence, and the related Symbolist movement, were largely snobbish aristocratic cults, which, following the theories of Paul Bourget, saw literary genius as a type of madness. This madness was the result of the gradual enervation of the aristocracy through in-breeding as the civilisation they founded moved towards its inevitable decline.

This pessimistic view of society, taken from Montesquieu’s essay on the fall of Rome, Considerations sur les Causes de la Grandeur des Romains et de leur Decadence, encouraged those convinced of their civilisation’s decline to adopt a cynical, hedonistic lifestyle in which every fevered and forbidden pleasure was to be indulged. Decadent literature, beginning with Les Fleurs du Mal, exalted the joys of drugs, sexual perversion, luxury and artifice. Many of its members also experimented with Satanism. Baudelaire wrote his Litany to Satan, Felicien Rops produced his etchings Les Sataniques, and the great theorist of Decadence, Joris-Karel Huysmans, explored its aristocratic underworld in La Bas (the Lower Depths).

huysmans

The great theorist of Decadence, Joris-Karel Huysmans,

Huysmans himself had been a follower of the Abbe Boullan, a perverted priest widely believed to be a Satanist. This Satanic strain in literature even reached pre-Revolutionary Russia, where some of its greatest exponents included the poets Zinaida Hippius and Fyodor Sologub. There it probably performed the same service that the novels of De Sade and other works of dire pornography had done in France on the eve of their Revolution in promoting the image of the bloated, corrupt aristocrat.

The social elevation of the Satanist from impoverished crone to wealthy aristocrat parallels the same treatment of the vampire. Before Polidori’s novel The Vampyre of 1816, the vampire was conceived generally as the corpse of a peasant called back from death to prey on his former neighbours. After Polidori, the vampire became, at least in literature, an aristocrat. This social elevation was no doubt intended to appeal to the aristocratic milieu which read and wrote such fiction. Polidori, remember, wrote the novel as his entry in the competition between himself, Byron and Mary Shelley which produced Frankenstein. Byron himself was a member of the aristocracy, and Polidori’s vampire may well have taken on the aristocratic origin of this “great, bad man”.

It has also been suggested that the vampire may also be a symbolic treatment of contemporary social conditions. As an aristocrat, he literally and metaphorically sucks the blood of his victims. Gothic literature was a favourite of the French Decadents, so its image of the supernaturally depraved aristocrat may well have influenced their own inclinations towards such pleasures. Regardless of their precise literary origins, these images are remarkably persistent. They inform such characters as the debauched Jarvis of Newman and Baddiel comedy fame, while those from a privileged background are still suspected of having indulged homosexual impulses, at least at public school. This latter is the result of descriptions of public school bullying and homosexuality in books as diverse as Tom Brown’s Schooldays and Brideshead Revisited, spiced up with scandals reported in newspapers such as the News of the World. From sexually debauched aristocrat it is only a short step to the image of a Satanically depraved aristo, especially as this century has seen a gradual decline in traditional religious observance and a resurgence of heterodox beliefs including occultism.

Although many Christians were active in the early socialist movements, socialism, at least in the early 19th century, contained a powerful secularist, anti-Christian component. Robert Owen was a spiritualist, and many of his political disciples also adopted his religious beliefs. Thomas Spence, another Utopian theorist, had moved from Christianity to deism, while the Communists, even before Marx, had a militantly atheist weltanschauung. British Socialism never achieved the status of continental Social Democracy, which between the 1890s and the 1930s formed an alternative society (10) in Germany and Austria, but did tend “to become a complete way of life, which largely superseded the churches in their social role”. (11) The political inclinations of the urban working class can, however, be overstated. Socialism was always a minority creed in the 19th century, and the long reign of Mrs Thatcher, among others, has shown that a large number, even the majority, of the working class voted Conservative.

There is a distinct social break between town and country which has informed many rightwing movements this century. The Nazis’ earliest electoral victory was in the rural area of Schleswig-Holstein where they represented the grievances of the farming community hit by the agricultural crisis of the 1920s. To them, the Nazis presented the image of upright German peasants bringing healthy village values to socialist Babylons such as Berlin. In Italy Fascism had earlier gained massive support in primarily agricultural areas such as Ferrara for similar reasons. Although it would be wrong to equate Evangelicalism and Christian Fundamentalism with Fascism, they do have certain traits in common. In the Satanism scare, both represent beleaguered social groups seeking simple, emotional solutions to complex problems, and fear and hostility towards organised labour has become a marked feature of American Evangelicalism and forms a strong component of their political beliefs.

Any discussion of the Satanism scare has to include the American dimension. Evangelicals are far more likely to view Satan as a concrete, tangible being, in contrast to more mainstream Christians who may regard Auld Clootie as an impersonal force or a metaphor for evil acts and impulses at the personal level. Much Evangelical literature and ideology is American in origin, exported through tapes and the comics produced by the notorious Chick Publications, amongst others. Here, the class nature of much of the Evangelicals’ world view is quite clear. There’s a marked hostility to big business, especially the global financial capital as personified by the Rothschilds, while working-class movements such as trade unions, socialism, communism and anarchism are also denounced as part of Satan’s dominion.

Although these attitudes are more commonly associated with the Protestant white supremacist component in the militia movement, politically Evangelicalism is markedly conservative. The heartland of American Evangelicalism is, of course, in the Deep South, and it was primarily a creed of poor whites. Before the 1970s, 43.7% of Evangelicals lived in towns with fewer than 2,500 inhabitants, (12) and in 1978, 25.3% of them earned less than $4,000 a year. (13) This agrarian background strongly influences their political conceptions. Most still seem to see the world in essentially 17th-century terms. The ideal communities are those like their own, small towns run by paternalistic industrialists or self-reliant farmers which feel threatened by big business on the one hand and organised labour on the other. Many of the sects originally settled in America to escape persecution in Europe, and the poverty of their members would ensure that they absorbed the Biblical hostility to the wealthy and powerful without necessarily turning towards secular ideologies such as socialism. This base in America’s agrarian heartland may also contribute a deep-seated suspicion of urban politics which may, in its turn, account for the conception of Satanism as especially prevalent amongst the urban poor.

Despite the occult trappings of the Satanism scare, it is poverty, especially urban poverty, that forms the motor for the panic. Roger Sandell’s article mentioned above noted the similarity between the modern witch hunters’ attitudes to the urban poor and that of the Victorian missionaries to their slums. The continuity of such ideas reflects both concerns with urban decay and the similarity of housing policies in Britain and America, as opposed to continental Europe. The post-war response to the housing crisis in Britai and America has been to build estates of reasonably well provided suburbs while leaving the inner cities to decay. Continental countries, however, conceived the suburbs in terms of solely providing housing, concentrating amenities and industry in the centre of towns. Thus, discussions of urban poverty in Britain almost invariably centre around inner-city decline, in contrast to the Continent, where it is the banlieu which are the deprived areas.

This similarity, however superficial, between Britain and America could partially explain why the Satanism scare, although certainly not unknown on the Continent, has translated most easily into the British context. In these terms, the Satanic panic represents a confrontation between traditional, agrarian values and those of the modern, secular, urban environment.

The Satanism scare gained prominence in the early 1980s after the publication of the book Michelle Remembers and a gestation period in the 1970s when, as all good Magonians will recall, Satanists and other occult groups were held responsible for the cattle mutilations plaguing the Midwest. It is not coincidental that these panics began when the West was entering a period of economic crisis which result in political and economic retrenchment. Most of those holding traditional moral views in America come from the same background as the Evangelicals and Fundamentalists, the membership of both groups overlapping to a large extent.

They are generally people from the small towns and bluecollar areas of the big cities, frequently poorly educated, and “at greatest risk of losing their jobs due to economic dislocation”. (14) These people feel powerless against a political order dominated by the wealthy and powerful. These feelings of alienation have been growing steadily since the 1960s. In 1986, 60 per cent of Americans expressed feelings of powerlessness in contrast to only 29 per cent in 1966. (15) Periods of economic stagnation produce a powerful need among people to find a scapegoat for their problems.

Racism is a typical example of this need. It has, for example, been noted that the areas of America which have a higher incidence of racist behaviour are those where there is a great disparity of income amongst the white population. In the parts of the country where there is less difference in income, racist incidents are far less frequent. (16)

And the gap between rich and poor in America and Europe is increasing. Faced with economic and military challenges from outside, the West is once again turning in on itself seeking scapegoats for its decline. The political and economic elites against whom so much animosity is focused are especially suitable for this role as their ethical values are frequently at variance with those of the majority of the working class, especially over issues such as abortion, sexual permissiveness and homosexuality. The Financial Times noted some time ago that large sections of the American population had still not caught up with the sixties. In Britain newspapers like the Daily Mail regularly attack the “liberal establishment” for promoting, among other things, homosexuality and the decline of family values.

The result is that there is a general, widespread belief in the moral decline of society. According to Gallup polls, the percentage of Americans expressing dissatisfaction with current standards of behaviour in 1987 was 71 per cent, a massive jump from the 58 per cent who held the same views in 1963. (17) Economic hardship can produce marital strife and family breakdown, but the Evangelicals’ belief in the innate virtue of the free market and that morals are purely a matter of private responsibility divorced from social or economic influences prevents them from taking a pragmatic approach to these problems based on state intervention. A scapegoat in the form of a Satanic other becomes a necessity as they are unable to countenance any failing in free-market economics as a system.

By and large, the Evangelicals still preach a prosperity gospel which would have been familiar to the Victorian missionaries, in which economic wellbeing follows as a result of God’s favour to His followers. If this does not occur, then it can only be that the worshipper is either being punished for his sins, an explanation some Evangelicals found for the Great Depression, or that there are Satanic enemies working against them. In the cultural sphere, this increased distrust of big business is particularly clear.

The square jawed heroes firm in body and values played by Cary Grant and James Stewart were honest businessmen. Now those days are gone, and businessmen are now frequently the villains, such as the corrupt executives of OCP in RoboCop, and the Company in Alien. In Dracula (1972) they’re explicitly Satanic. This memorable little flick from the Hammer stable had Dracula himself as the leader of a multinational corporation leading a Satanic cabal of businessmen dedicated to the extermination of humanity. If ever there was an explicit metaphor for contemporary attitudes, it was that. The rumours surrounding many big companies appeared after that little epic, however.

The rumours by and large began as a response to concrete concerns about the influence of various new religious movements which first emerged in the sixties. The rumour about Proctor and Gamble first emerged in the mid eighties, with the difference that the cult running the company was supposed to be the Unification Church (‘Moonies’), which had a more obvious logic considering the company’s logo is a Man in the Moon. This then evolved into the far more powerful and persistent version which dogs the company today. Other rumours about companies include the belief that Marlboro cigarettes are involved in the Ku Klux Klan, and that McDonalds’ supports the IRA. The IRA does indeed turn up in the deductions on their American staff’s payslips, but it’s a pension scheme called Individual Retirement Account rather than any Irish terrorist group.

These rumours are expressions of distrust of big business, but the link to secular organisations has allowed them to escape accusations of Satanism, while, of course, being part of the climate which makes such accusations plausible.

It was the 1980s which saw a number of financial scandals tarnish the reputation of American big business. These included the Savings and Loans scandals under the Reagan administrafion, and the deregulation of the banking system which led to many farmers in the mid-West facing bankruptcy. These events are paralleled in Britain by the numerous “fat cat” managers attacked in the press, who have awarded themselves colossal pay rises after closing down factories and sacking many of their work force.

The Satanism scare’s historical precedents in medieval anti-Semitism and 19th-century panics about Freemasonry are particularly significant. The Jews in medieval Europe formed an urban, mercantile class amongst primarily agricultural societies. Hatred of the Jews was present throughout the Middle Ages, but became particularly vehement during periods of economic and social crisis, such as the Black Death when they were accused of poisoning the wells. As the magnates’ consumption exceeded their income from taxation, many became indebted to Jewish moneylenders. In the 16th and 17th centuries the schuetzjuden, or protected Jews, were a feature of many German noble courts. The image of the Jews as a demonic force corrupting Christendom through its control of financial capital became a strong one.

This prejudice swiftly became passed to the Freemasons after the French Revolution. The first publications to point a finger at them were the Abbe Barruel’s Memoirs of the History of Jacobinism and Proofs of a Conspiracy, published at the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th respectively. Freemasonry was an obvious suspect as the secrecy of its meetings meant that it became the conduit for dangerously subversive ideas, such as democracy and freedom of conscience. The alleged subversive nature of Freemasonry was given a verisimilitude with the attempts by Adam Weishaupt’s Illuminati to infiltrate them in the late 18th century. Although this conspiracy was stamped out, suspicions of its survival continue, largely as a result of it being used as a term of abuse by some of the American Founding Fathers for their political opponents.

webster.jpg

Nesta Webster declared that the Freemasons were the true successors to the Jewish threat as at their core were the mystic secrets of the Jewish cabbalah and the Jewish programme to destroy the Christian, aristocratic order and replace it with bourgeois, atheistic democracy.

To Nesta Webster, a novelist who contributed much to British and American Fascist ideology, the relationships between Judaism, Freemasonry and the French and Russian Revolutions were obvious. Partly drawing on information given to her by the Duc d’Orleans (despite him being dead for over a hundred years) she declared that the Freemasons were the true successors to the Jewish threat as at their core were the mystic secrets of the Jewish cabbalah and the Jewish programme to destroy the Christian, aristocratic order and replace it with bourgeois, atheistic democracy.

Although it’s easy to dismiss such fears as nonsense, they are remarkably persistent. The past decade has seen a resurgence of fears surrounding Freemasonry, beginning with the murder of Roberto Calvi and the publication of books such as Inside the Brotherhood. There have even been claims that Masons are secretly Satanists, the god they worship being allegedly YahBulOn, a mixture of the Hebrew Yahweh, the Egyptian god On, and the Semitic Baal, the origin of the Beelzebub of the Bible. Initiation into the upper levels of Freemasonry is supposed to involve the ritual inversion and breaking of a cross as in admission to a Satanist coven. Freemasonry is thus popularly perceived as a Satanic cult.

From that point on, it is only a short step to the gangs of Satanic businessmen conjured up by the Satan hunters. More justified concerns over undue influence of the Freemasons in the business community, judiciary and police force are still very much part of contemporary British politics and are the subject of parliamentary enquiry before which several prominent Freemasons have appeared. Finally, in the extreme theorising of the American Right, both financial capital and labour movements are linked in a Satanic conspiracy. Noting the Rothschilds were important backers of the United Nations, and that many big industrialists, such as Armand Hammer, have shown some sympathy for left-wing causes, it’s now argued, following Hitler, that the Rothschilds are using labour movements to create the one world state, under Satan’s direction, of course. Other permutations of this tale involve the Vatican, but the story is, lamentably, much the same.

Regardless of this, it appears that the main forces driving the Satanism scare are economic pressures as they affect an impoverished, rural mittelstand which, in the absence of an appropriate secular ideology, uses the Bible to articulate its intense discontent. This explains its hostility to both organised labour movements and suspicion of extreme wealth, the images of which are appropriated ultimately from both the French Decadence and propaganda material from the French Revolution.

This scare has become plausible owing to recent government scandals, such as Watergate, economic decline due to globalisation of capital and the clandestine activities of fringe religious organisations. Other groups have been able to seize on aspects of it as American and Western culture breaks down into a collection of competing social and ideological communities motivated by the ‘culture of complaint’. Secular feminists, for example, may reject the religious aspect of the Satanism scare, but be convinced by the tales of paedophilia and rape through the concern with male violence against women and children.

These economic and social pressures, extend far outside the milieu of American Evangelism. The rock and occult groups, by no means synonymous, have also felt them. Much of the panic revolves around youths corrupted by ‘Devil’ rock, by which is meant Black Metal and Gothic Rock, which is permeated with demonic and vampiric imagery. This is a curious parallel to their own movements, a sort of Jungian shadow of American Evangelism. It’s been noted that as a symbol of hostility to authority, “it is during the periods of greatest social flux that the vampire – especially the woman vampire – seems to thrive”. (18) The problem is to channel this discontent into more constructive ideologies.

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References

  1. Matthew, 8:10
  2. Matthew, 22:21
  3. Romans, 13:1-8
  4. Luke, 16:19-31
  5. Matthew, 18:18-30
  6. Luke, 6:20
  7. Luke, 6:24
  8. Parrinder, G. African Mythology, Hamlyn, 1967, 35
  9. Hough, P. Witchcraft: A Strange Conflict, Lutterworth, 1991, 191
  10. McLeod, H. Religion and the Working Class in Nineteenth Century Britain, MacMillan, 1984, 56
  11. Ibid.
  12. Kepel, G. The Revenge of God, Polity Press, 1994, 123
  13. Ibid.
  14. Victor, J.S. Satanic Panic: The Creation of a Contemporary Legend, Open Court, 1993, 193
  15. Ibid.
  16. Ibid., 199
  17. Ibid., 187
  18. Serif, C. The Vampire in 19th Century Literature, Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988, 151, cited in Smith, P. (ed.) Contemporary Legend, Vol. 3, Hisarlik Press, 1993, 151

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Mindscapes: the Development of Psychogeography.
Part Two.
David Sivier.

Mindscapes, Part Two. from Magonia 84, March 2004

Myths die hard, and the atmosphere of patriotism, in which these works were produced, militated against the exclusion of favourite national myths, such as that of the origins of the British people from Brutus the Trojan. Camden included this, along with much other legendary material, which has made his work invaluable to folklorists and historians investigating the enchanted worldview of early modern Europe.

He wasn’t alone. Roger Sherringham, one of his successors in the 17th century, also shared his belief in the British people’s noble descent. David Lanthone, one of the pioneering antiquaries of Anglo-Saxon England, believed in the historicity of King Arthur. While there are a number of historians today who share his belief, not to mention the legions of lay people devoted to the ‘once and future king’ through the enduring charm of medieval literature, if mediated by Hollywood and a myriad popular retellings, none would argue that the classic treatments of the myth in Geoffrey of Monmouth, Chretien de Troy or Thomas Mallory are anything other than glorious fictions. Lanthone was a pioneer, so it is too much to be expected that he should prefigure completely the attitudes of later generations of more sceptical scholars.

Not all scholars, however, were quite so content to follow Geoffrey of Monmouth’s line. Aylet Samme, for example, argued in his Britannia antiqua illustrata of 1676 that the British, far from being Trojan in descent, were instead Phoenician. [1] While Samme is equally mistaken, he was correct in seeking an ethnic origin for the British beyond the time-hallowed fictions of Monmouth. His selection of the Phoenicians as the ancestral stock is bv no means inexcusable, if you consider that the Phoenicians are still believed to have traded with the Cornish for tin. It is also possible to see Samme’s theories as the precursor to the more bizarre alternative histories and archaeologics of the 19th century, which traced the descent of the British to the lost tribes of Israel and even ancient Egyptians, ideas which persist even to this day amongst certain sections of society.

It is also far less bizarre than some of the works of ethnology, which arose later in the 18th century, such as The Antiquities of Nations, by D.D. Pezron, abbot of La Channoye; and translated into English by a Mr. Jones in 1706. In this the reverend gentleman traced the origins of the Celtic peoples back to the Scythians, then to the Biblical patriarch Gomer, and ultimately to the Old Testament nephalim, the children of the rebel angels who intermarried with the daughters of men. [2]

Although firmly entrenched in the traditional view of the ethnogenesis of the British, Camden nevertheless was a modern historian in that he considered the primary role of the historian to explain, rather than merely describe the past. Away from such national concerns, other historians of the same period were actively trying to reinstate other legendary figures back into history. Thus, arguments were made for the historicity of such worthies as Guy of Warwick, and Robin Hood. The latter even enjoyed the privilege of having his genealogy drawn up by William Jackson, a Yarmouth Customs Master, in the 17th century in an ultimately mistaken attempt to establish the existence of the great outlaw. [3] The new chorographers of the psychogeographical fringe took over their fascination with folklore and legend, as well as the physical, architectural environment in their historical researches.

This was not an isolated concern. Psychogeography appeared at the same time as a more general intellectual flourishing of a new urban consciousness in the 80s and 90s, in which academics and writers attempted to explore the new intellectual and social horizons afforded by the artificial, built environment of towns. A major part of this was the explorations of urban space, which constitute so much of contemporary Cultural Studies. Pioneered by French post-modern philosophers, such as Georges Bataille’s influential Against Architecture, students of contemporary culture interrogated the architecture and layout of cities and urban spaces for the concrete embodiment they appeared to give to deep societal notions of authority, class, gender, and racial identity.

Possibly this concern with the built environment reflects Postmodernism’s own origins in architecture in the 1950s, in which contemporary architects quoted the features of historic schools of building in their modern works. One rather more contemporary example of this is One Redcliffe Street in Bristol, a modern office building, which is nevertheless constructed to resemble a medieval fortress, with projections suggesting barbicans and watchtowers.

These decades saw the appearance of urban history as a distinct historiographical genre as a part of this new intellectual orientation towards towns and their citizens. Naturally, this also included an examination of cities’ own self-conscious attitudes to the past, and the creation of a common heritage and historical identity for their citizens. Although by no means confined solely to the Continent, this new trend in historical inquiry was particularly strong in France, pioneered as it was by the third generation of academic historians associated with the Annales School. This highly respected French historical journal had been instrumental in introducing the methods and aims of the social sciences into historical research since its foundation in 1929. Montaillou, Emmanuel LeRoy Ladurie’s 1974 study of a 14th century southern French town during the Inquisition’s attempt to clamp down on the Cathars, which gained a considerable degree of admiring attention from the litterateurs of the highbrow press, is the classic example of their anthropological approach to history.

This includes a close examination of the mentalité - the worldview – of past ages. The Annales historians pioneered this with Marc Bloch’s 1924 study of the 16th and 17th century popular belief in the efficacy of the royal touch as a cure for scrofula, Le rois thaumnturges. In the 90s these historians became increasingly concerned with ‘cultures of memory’, the national and local historical consciousnesses linking particular architectural sites and places, such as the Bastille, with politics and the social creation of such collective memories. The classic example of this new approach to history is Pierre Norat’s 1996 The Realms of Memory. A vital part of this new approach to historical consciousness of towns included cataloguing and noting historical monuments, like statues, war memorials and so on for what these said about cities’ self-image and the type of past they wished to celebrate and evoke.

The difference between the official, academic exploration of such local and national historical consciousness and those of the psychogcographical counterculture is essentially philosophical – rationalist and philosophical materialist on the one hand, and mystical and occult on the other. The methodology pursued – the interrogation of monuments, street plans and names, and commemorative events – is the same.

Indeed, the concerns of both groups overlap to such an extent that it’s probable that in addition to both being related as products of the zeitgeist, there may well have been some direct influence between the two groups. A glance at the stock of radical bookshops demonstrates that the countercultural fringe still absorbs and devours works by radical, professional academics, as well as the far less academically respectable tomes on alien conspiracies and so forth. Since the late 1980s some ley hunters did incorporate the methods and objectives of mainstream archaeology in their research. It is therefore not remotely impossible that some psychogeographers have similarly been directlv influenced bv the academic explorations of the cultures of memorv. On the academic side of the divide, even if the new historians of collective memory were not members of the counterculture, drawn to the re-enchanted landscape of the hippy imagination, the growth of such movements under the wider milieu of popular culture has clearly influenced their decision to explore the historical consciousness of which they are a part.

Of course, there has been more than an element of radical politics involved in this. Psychogeography tends to adopt a radically anti-authoritarian stance in its attempt to rediscover the bizarre. forbidden and transgressive. So too do more academic investigations of the historic environment. In America, particularly, such explorations of urban history have been closely linked to attempts by local community groups and multicultural organisations to reclaim the history of urban spaces occupied by members of ethnic minorities and other marginalized social groups. This has led to the creation of a number of Black heritage sites and museums in the USA, particularly in the South, and in Britain the ‘Slave Trail’ along Bristol docks set up by Dr. Madge Dresser, a historian of the slave trade in Bristol at the Universitv of the West of England, amongst other projects.

More spccifically devoted to the mythic environment of cities has been the rise of the folkloric genre of the ‘urban legend’ and academic societies, such as the International Society for Contemporary Legend Research (ISCLR) devoted to their study. Although the notion of a distinctly urban folklore dates to the 19th century, when French folklorists attempted to establish that cities also had their folkloric traditions in a move away from the concentration on those of the rural peasantry, it was only with the appearance of the ISCLR and similar organisations around the beginning of the 90s that they became a separate subject of institutional research, at about the same time Cultural Studies’ scholars and social historians were similarly investigating the social phenomenon of urbanism. Psychogeography is merely the underground expression of this wider cultural trend, the Gnostic shadow of the respectable academic investigations of the universities.

Although the dichotomy between psychogeography and related folk history and mythopceia and the academic and public histories interrogated and forged by the universities and community heritage organisation clearly exist, the boundaries between them is blurred and porous. As has often been clearly demonstrated by academic trends since the 1960′s, last year’s student rebel may well become tomorrow’s university chancellor and celebrated cultural guru. Today’s academic environment may be particularly receptive to the bizarre and transgressive. For example, David Cronenberg’s disturbing cinematic treatment of J.G. Ballard’s Crash, which provoked outrage and moral panic amongst Daily Mail readers about a decade ago, has been the subject of a book by Sinclair, published by the British Film Institute, and an academic seminar, Crash Cultures, partly organised by UWE in Bristol. Back to psychogcography and urban occultism, Ackroyd’s Hawksmoor has been read by students at the universities of Gloucester and the West of England for their degrees, though as part of their English courses, rather than history.

Moreover, the antiquarian discourse and literary style employed by the Earth Mysteries milieu were by no means confined to the alternative culture. Although superceded as the accepted vehicle of learned historiography since the 16th century, the chronicle as a popular genre has never really gone away. A glance along the history shelves of most large book shops will show the persistence of this particular form of historical writing in the form of large, profusely illustrated popular histories itemising national or global events year by year. More often than not these popular, coffee-table histories indeed explicitly describe themselves as such.

As for chorographies, a fair number of local history and folklore books, such as those produced in the West Country by Bossiney Press, in Liverpool by the Bluecoat Press and in East Anglia by Jarrold Colour Publications, can reasonably be described as such. Written for the popular, rather than academic market, these recount episodes from local history and folklore, usually witchcraft, ghosts and other tales of the paranormal, with particular reference to surviving monuments, landscape features or buildings in the locality.

As for those works produced by academic folklorists, such as Jennifer Westwood’s Albion: A Guide to Legendary Britain (1986), these are truly chorqgraphics in all but name. This particular book, like Biondo’s pioneering Italian study of the 15th century, divides its subject matter into its constituent topographical regions, and itemises the folkloric features of each – tales of heroes, giants, ghosts, fairies, witches and demonic visitations – according to the locations within these broader areas in which thev occurred, complete with brief notes at the end of each episode giving the map references and road directions to the site of the described events.

A similar approach, though without the traffic directions, was adopted by Reader’s Digest thirteen vears before in their own volume on Folklore, Myths and Legends of Britain. The only difference between these modern chorographies and those of the new antiquarians and psychogeographers, such as Sinclair, is that the latter explicitly describe themselves as such, consciously harking back to their 17th century predecessors. Even this, however, is hardly an exclusive trait. The long, flowing locks of the historian, Ronald Hutton, and his interest in popular religion, folklore and myth certainly recall 17th century antiquarians such as Stukely and John Aubrey, rather than the less flamboyant denizens of more contemporary campuses.

The traffic directions contained in the books indicate both their intended readership and the modern sensibility informing their exploration of the past. They’re essentially products of the new age of mass tourism made available bv the rise of cheap motor transport. Although such books may cull much of their contents from the various tomes on local folklore penned by eminent Victorians – extracts from various chapters of Robert Hunt’s Romances of the West of England have been published separately as a booklet on Cornwall’s ghosts and folklore, for example [4] – their real ancestors are the calendars, nature guides and local history books produced by the petrolcompany Shell in the 1950s and 196′s. Like these later volumesthese guides also stressed the importance of local folklore in the legends and history of the areas they covered, an attitude summed up in their advertising slogan. ‘Here you can relive legend and history on the spot.’

Peter Wright, one of the most trenchant critics of the modem heritage industy, has criticised these books for using ‘the evocative gibberish of authenticity.’ [5] Shell’s books have been particularly criticised by the Left for their apparent appropriation of British historical identity to serve their own commercial interests, as well as promoting bourgeois cultural hegemony by expressing British history and heritage in the discourse of middle class values and attitudes.

It’s a criticism, which has, with various degrees of justification, been levelled at the national concern with heritage whole and especially its expression in commerce and industry. In the eyes of commentators such as Peter Wright, Robert Hewison and David Lowenthal, the heritage industry acts as a retrograde social mechanism by which the patrician upper classes use the past to producc a spurious sense of national cultural identity, stifling working class and feminist dissent and excluding the contributions of ethnic minorities. The particular example seized on by British writers is the use made by the British upper classes to attract support for the preservation of their country seats and traditional privileges, as the cornerstone of British heritage, both historical and architectural.

Although the chorographies of local history publishing and national folklore are aimed, at least partially, at the same tourist market, it is extremely problematic whether such accusations could be reasonably levelled at them. The psychogeographical fringe is still the product of 1960′s countercultural radicalism, however attenuated, a feature which led Private Eye’s scathing review of Sinclair’s book on the M25 to refer sneeringly to the author ‘and his aging, anarchohippy friends,’ a description which could also be fairly applied to Alan Moore, whose image is very much that of the hippy weirdo. Sinclair’s and Moore’s urban and psychogeographical sensibilities were shared by a number of small press countercultural magazines. such as The Edge, which carried features and interviews with them.

isle-of-dogs

 The Isle of Dogs, imagined in Sinclair’s ‘Downriver’ as the Isle of Doges, a privatised capitalist Vatican

This magazine. describing itself as a vehicle for ‘modern imaginative urban stories for today and tomorrow’, [6] was devoted to experimental and genre fiction – crime, SF, horror and slipstream. Moore and Sinclair in their interviews for the magazine discussed their attitudes towards occultism and the changing topography of the metropolis. The mentalité expressed there, however, was one of intense alienation towards the cultural and spiritual hegemony of the ruling elite, and particularly their appropriation of whole sections of London’s built environment in the creation of privatised commercial areas, shopping arcades and business districts.

For them, the classic example of this was the Isle of Dogs, imagined in Sinclair’s Downriver as the Isle of Doges, a privatised capitalist Vatican. J.G. Ballard, the magazine’s culture hero, has made a large part of his literary career from exploring the detrimental moral and spiritual effects of the privatisation of such public spaces in the institutional violence of fictional gated communities, from High-Rise in the 1960′s to his Cocaine Nights of a few years ago. Ballard, however, writes from a High Tory pcrspective, against the encroaching suffocation of the Nanny State, rather than that of the alienatcd, classconscious radical Left. It is, however, the viewpoint of the Tory anarchist, rather than the bluerinsed guardians of national propriety.

The model for their explorations of the urban environment is not the prosperous bourgeois day-tripper, but the alienated flaneur, who stalks through the city watching the courts and squares of new, unknown locations unfold before him. Their model of the urban tourist is Thomas De Quincev and his drug-fuelled peregrinations through the metropolis, a narcotic exploration that, if written today, would almost certainly incur the intense displeasure of the custodians of British moral rectitude.

It is also especially difficult to suggest that this kind of folkloric topographical occultism is, as a whole, racist or xenophobic, although the accusation certainly has been levelled at particular expressions of it with some degree of justification, as has been done of other forms of popular history within the heritage milieu, when one considers that one small press magazine, Pegasus declared Woking mosque as a ‘ley-centre’. [7] Of course, by very definition as a place of religious worship the mosque clearly was already a sacred site, though its designation as such by those particular devotees of Earth Mysteries indicated its acceptance as part of the British mythic landscape through its location within a putative indigenous. British mystical topography. A concern with the ancient and antique demonstrably does not necessarily mean an automatic rejection of the modern or foreign.

As for professional folklorists, such as Westwood, although they may also write for the popular market, and come from middle class backgrounds – Westwood’s citation in Albion of Management Kinetics, by Carl Duerr as the source of one quotation ccrtainly seems to indicate this in her case – it cannot by any means be taken as read that they share in toto the class attitudes ascribed to them by the critics of the heritage industry on the Left. Wcstwood, for example, explicitly discusses the origins and historicity of many of the legends she recounts in Albion, while professional folklorists, like other researchers in the humanities, may be intensely conscious of the effects of class politics in their subject. One section of the folklore milieu has, since before the Second World War, been intensely interested in its subject as an expression and instrument of working class politics and cultural identity, in direct opposition to the establishment culture of the patrician elite. This section of the folklore movement is unsurprisingly quite politicised, as demonstrated by the career of British folk musicians such as Ewan McColl.

More generally in folkloristics, the effects of the ‘Merrie England’ and related societies in cleaning up British folklore and using it to present a false image of class reconciliation and national prosperity has long been recognised. Moreover, folklorists’ own criticism that this movement was essentially nostalgic, looking back to an imaginary former world of happy prosperous tenants, supervised by a benign, paternalistic squire, is essentially the same criticism levelled at the heritage industry.

Although every academic brings their own social and political weltanschauung to their subject to a greater or lesser extent, the concern for accuracy and historical truth means that it cannot be automatically assumed that as a whole they act as the conduit for a particular set of received, hegemonic social values and attitudes. These may well however, inform the research and work of individual scholars. Indeed, the opposite may be the case. It is no accident that 3rd Stone, the revamped successor to The Ley Hunter, one of the premier vehicles of the Earth Mysteries fringe science, under Neil Mortimer and his predecessors attracted the attention and support of respected academic archaeologists, historians and folklorists, such as Jennifer Westwood, Aubrey Burl and Ronald Hutton, amongst others, because of its intense engagement with the mythic dimension of the historic environment. This in turn begs the question of how far psychogeography and associated Earth Mysteries research has anything to offer respectable, academic history and archaeology.

The short answer to this question is probably a great deal, but at a cost. The existence of magazines like 3rd Stone and Northern Earth, amongst others does show the need for popular, interdisciplinary magazines exploring the mythic, imaginal environment and the overlapping interests of archaeologists, historians and folklorists beyond the narrow specialisms and readership of academia. This need has become all the more acute with the demise of the former magazine which effectively means that there is now no national journal devoted to this subject.

It is also true that fringe archaeology has been the source of ideas, which have later found wider acceptance in academia and broadened their approach to the subject. Astoarchaeology is a case in point. From merely being the wild speculation of a few cranks in the 1930s, professional archaeologists now accept that the theory that some ancient monuments, from the megalithic henges of the European Neolithic to the Egyptian pyramids, at least, were constructed to align with the rising and setting of certain stars and there is now a specialist academic magazine devoted to the subject in America. Paul Devereaux’s more recent suggestion that Neolithic monuments and barrows may have also been constructed to channel sound in order to generate altered states of consciousness – the still embryonic discipline of archaeoacoustics – is another case in point, as he has enlisted the assistance of professional archaeologists and acousticians to test his hypothesis. It’s possible to add other examples, like the ghost paths to cemeteries in Germany and other parts Europe, which have recently been explored by folklorists.

The price for this, however, has been the rejection of the traditional methods of ley hunting – the search for the alignment of ancient monuments regardless of their age or the intentions of their builders – as spurious, and the adoption of the rigorous approach of academic antiquarians and folklorists. The former method of looking for patterns on a map is best understood as a form of art, a kind of Fortean lexi-linking using the vocabulary of geography and architecture for those who are fascinated by the strange, often unconscious connections between different groups and individuals forged by the names and words used to describe them. Sinclair’s observation on the alchemical connections of Jeffrey Archer’s life and residence – he lives in Alembic House, and like an alchemist, ‘turns his own tawdry stuff into gold’ – is a case in point. [8]

Whether in its original form or as urban psychogeography, it wouldn’t be entirely unfair to describe it as a kind of antiquarian ‘Mornington Crescent’ with an undercurrent of occultism. Like Moore’s Beat Seance, it’s best considered as a form of performance art or religion, in which chance alignments of the landscape or architecture occur as environmental, surrealist objéts trouves, like the simulacra which appear in the Fortean Times, and linked by similar surrealist notions of synchronicity, such as that of Breton’s novel, Nadja. Indeed, Paul Devereaux himself has described this particular part of the Earth Mysteries milieu as essentially religious, commenting on ‘various forms of neopaganism for those needing a religious framework’, a grouping which many observers would consider automaticallv includes the ‘New Age’ notions concerning ‘energies’. [9] Many of the milieu’s activities are likewise ritual re-enactments of the strange, forbidden, suppressed heritage of a locality. Like the wider heritage milieu, it’s essentially about the creation of a particular identity, in this case spiritual, from the past, rather than objective history.

This is not to say that there aren’t Masonic and other occult motifs consciously laid out in the urban and even rural environment, or that cities and landscapes aren’t imaginal realms generating their own folklore and myths to populate their topography, myths that may, to a greater or lesser extent, impact upon the minds and activities of their residents. It is certainly true that often the ancient geography of a town can still be traced in the layout of its streets and buildings, even if these are actually quite recent. Historians have traced the ancient grid pattern in which Bristol was laid out in its origins as an Anglo-Saxon burh through the street plan of the historic city centre, allowing, of course, for centuries of architectural change and supported by a close reading of historic maps and documents describing the city’s topography.

What has been rejected is the automatic reading of any alignment or topographical or architectural pattern as intentional, and designed as a conduit for objective occult forces. The notion of ‘leys’ as channels of geomantic energy and discussions of supposed chakras around the Earth belong to religion, not history. Only by consciously separating the two can fringe archaeology and psychogeography continue to make a contribution to a proper investigation of the continuing numinous power of place and explore the vital imaginal landscapes of the human mind.

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References:

  1. See Salmon, J.H.M., ‘Precept, Example, and Truth: Degory Wheare and the Ars Historica’, in Kelley and Sacks, op. cit., pp. 11-38.
  2. See the discussion of the book in Hunt, R., The Drolls, Traditions and Superstitions of Old Cornwall (Popular Romances of the West of England), First Series, Llanerch facsimile reprint, 1993, p. 39.
  3. Wood, D.R., ‘Little Crosby and the Horizons of Early Modern Historical Culture’, in Kelley and Sacks, op. cit.
  4. Hunt, R., Cornish Legends, Tor Mark Press, undated.
  5. Wright, P., ‘Trafficking in History’, in Boswell, D., and Evans, J., eds, Representing the Nation: A Reader – Histories, Heritage and Museums, Routledge, London, 1999, p. 132.
  6. Entry for ‘The Edge’ in Writers’ & Artists’ Yearbook 2000, A. & C. Black, London, 2000, p. 45.
  7. ‘News from the Front’ in McClure, K., The Wild Places – The Journal of Strange and Dangerous Beliefs, no. 7, p. 26.
  8. Hedgecock, A., op. cit., p. 19.
  9. Devereaux, P., ’30 Years of Earth Mysteries’ in Fortean Times, FT 177 Special 2003,

Mindscapes: the Development of Psychogeography.
Part One.
David Sivier.

MINDSCAPES, Part One. From Magonia 84, March 2004.

For Forteans, it is axiomatic that the exclusion of the weird and the bizarre from the modern rationalistic weltanschauung began in the seventeenth century with the rise of institutional Science. ‘The power, that has said to all these things that they are damned, is Dogmatic Science’, [1] as Fort himself said at the very beginning of the Book of the Damned.

Those awkward facts objects and events which couldn’t be explained by the rationalism of the academics were marginalized, ignored and forgotten. save only for connoisseurs of the weird and unexplained, like Fort. who were themselves intellectualy isolated and alienated from the governing intellectual paradigm of the times. Unfortunately, like the stifling intellectual straitjackets Fort so loudly denounced this is itself a dogmatic statement that needs serious revision. The exclusion of what has since become known as the Fortean – freaks, prodigies, omens and other sports of nature – began two centuries before the Scientific Revolution, in the 15th rather than 17th century, and the intellectual discipline which pioneered their banishment was not science. but history. More specifically it was the changes in historiography pioneercd by avowed political writers such as Machiavelli and Francesco Guicciardini as the medieval chronicle gave way to the humanist monograph. [2]

In fact much of the debate about such Fortean phenomcna in the intellectual counterculture forged in the 6Os has indeed been as much about history and their historical provenance, as about their scientific validity. Just as humanist historiography damned them in the fifteenth century, so they were reinstated. if only in part, with the rise of local legendary history in the academic chorographies of the 17th and the popular chapbooks of the ‘English Revolution’. While humanist historography ultimately won the academic intellectual battle, these latter were seized as models by the radicals of the 60s alternative culture for their tracts, of which the assault on establishment science was only one small part. This underground, modern antiquarian approach to history has in its turn spawned contemporary psychogeography, the exploration of the mystical aspects of place.

Although academic historians would no doubt strongly deny any connection with such an apparently spurious discipline, psychogeography does have an academic counterpart as historians, cognitive archaeologists and researchers of Cultural Studies explore the physical, changing topographies of landscapes. towns and other spaces in an attempt to delineate the mentalité these spaces express and generate in their citizens. Regardless of their intellectual respectability – or lack of it – both historiographies share a fundamental awareness of theintellectual and spiritual connection between a place and its inhabitants, and an approach to the exploration of both which is effectively summarised by that great countercultural hero and beardie weirdie Alan Moore: ‘When we excavate the place, we excavate ourselves – the inside is the outside – Hey, lady, that’s my skull!’ [3]

Whatever the specific area of inquiry may be, modern, post-renaissance historiography aims to be sceptical, carefully considering the value and biases of its sources, and concerned with the causes of the events it studies, whether they are the personal, psychological motives of the protagonists, or long term political, societal, economic or environmental forces. This scepticism particularly extends to the supernatural and mythical.

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 Geoffrey of Monmouth’s spurious account of the origins of the British from the Trojan Brutus recounted in his History of the Kings of Britain, was disproved first by the Scots historian John Major in 1521, and again by the Italian Polydore Vergil in his History of Great Britain of 1534.

historykings

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It began in the sixteenth century with Erasmus and the Bollandists, who, when writing the lives of saints, such as St. Jerome, broke with medieval hagiography by excluding the pious legends, which had gradually built up around their subjects’ over the centuries, concentrating instead on contemporary descriptions and records offering far more reliable accounts of their careers. This historiographical disenchantment also affected national mythology. Geoffrey of Monmouth’s spurious account of the origins of the British from the Trojan Brutus recounted in his History of the Kings of Britain, was disproved first by the Scots historian John Major in 1521, and again by the Italian Polydore Vergil in his History of Great Britain of 1534.

At the heart of this scepticism is the notion that the progress of history is accessible to the human intellect. It was an approach partly pioneered by Machiavelli and Guicciardini in the 15th century, who were determined to find the human, political reasons for the military turmoil experienced in Italy, torn between conflicting states and subject to foreign invasions, such as those of the French. Although humanist historiography contained much that is alien to modern historiography – viewing their genre as a branch of rhetoric, humanist writers saw nothing inappropriate in inventing noble speeches to put in the mouths of their heroes – this scepticism and rationalism has been their greatest legacy to modem historiography, and indeed has become its defining trait.

Medieval writers could produce histories very similar in form and content to the humanist model of the monograph. For example, the Flandria Generosa, although originally composed as a genealogy of Count Baldwin I of Flanders, in particular anticipated its form as its compilers attempted to comprehend the political complexities, which emerged with the usurpation of Robert le Frison in 1070 and the murder of Charles the Good in 1127. [4]

In general, however, the medieval approach to history was very different. The predominant form of historical writing was the chronicle, in which events for each year were noted with varying degrees of detail and interest in the causation and motives of the participants. By and large the chroniclers had little interest in the ultimate motives of their subjects, and where they do attempt to probe their psychology, their descriptions are often curt and stereotyped.

This disinterest arose in large part from the monastic compilers’ essentially religious interpretation of history. The world, including human affairs, was ruled and driven by God, whose will was inscrutable and beyond human comprehension. There was thus no point in looking too far for the causes of historical events. At the same time this attitude also permitted the inclusion of Fortean material, such as prodigies, anomalous weather, monsters and spectral apparitions as it was through such obviously supernatural occurrences that God’s will could be directly discerned. Although the exclusion of such Forteana was greatly facilitated by the rise of cxperimental, rationalist science in the 17th century, the ultimate origins of their banishment to the intellectual margins belongs to the ‘Historical Revolution’, as it has been called by the historians Dr Kelley and D.H. Sacks, of the later 16th century. [5]

Coupled with this new rationalist historiography was an explicit class prejudice, which also aided the relegation of Fortean phenomena to the social margins in line with the perceived social status of the market for such literature. Renaissance ‘politick’ historians viewed themselves as writing primarily for the education, and edification, of princes. Machiavelli, for example, dedicated The Prince to Lorenzo De Medici. The Elizabethan writer Thomas Blundeville succinctly expressed the ‘politick’ historian’s line when he stated ‘Histories be made of deeds done by a public weal or against a public weal, and such deeds be either deeds of war, of peace, or else sedition and conspiracy’ in his The True Order and Methode of Wryting and Reading Hystories of 1574. [6] Anything that departed from such lofty matters was ruthlessly excluded. These damned subjects, according to John Trussell, another Tudor historiographer, included celebrations like coronations and pageants, as well as novelties, prodigies and justice done on petty offenders, a list which effectively excludes most of the subject matter of today’s tabloid newspapers. Naturally, these subjects still remained immensely popular, particularly amongst the lower orders.

Although overtaken by the historical monograph as the premier vehicle of historical inquiry, the chronicle still survived and retained considerable popularity. Raphael Holinshed’s Chronicle, although first published in 1577, enjoyed a second edition ten years later, and the genre continued into the reign of James I/VI with Sir Richard Baker’s Chronicles of the Kings of England. Part of this popularity derived from the chronicles’ perceived suitability as a vehicle for such damned subjects, even though this made it dangerously suspicious in the eyes of the Tudor ruling elite. Edmund Bolton declared that their writers were ‘of the dregs of the common people’, [7] and considered that they had a corrupting influence on them.

How many of these depraved mechanics actually read Holinshed is actually quite moot due to books’ high cost even a century after the introduction of printing to England. The Chronicle, for example, cost twice the annual wages of the average Elizabethan labourer. Eventually the gap between such official and unofficial history was to widen still further so that such subjects were banished completely from history to form their own separate literature of marvels, such as A World of Wonders, and thence to haunt the literary margins of broadside ballads and chapbooks.

Such street literature was immensely popular. Although it’s possible to read too much into its existence, with some historians perhaps discerning nascent class conflicts and antagonisms in them which really only emerged later in the 18th and 19th centuries, some of the authorities’ fears about their subversive nature was by no means unjustified. Most chapbook authors were anonymous, but the identities of a few have come down to us. While not quite ‘the dregs of the common people’, these men certainly did not occupy an elevated position in society.

The Elizabethan chapbook author Thomas Deloney (1543-1600), for example, was a weaver, John Taylor (1580-1653), the most prolific of such writers, was a Thames waterman and a tavern keeper in Oxford and London, while going further down the social scale his contemporary Martin Parker (d. 1656) was an alehouse keeper. Unlike the more respectable taverns, alehouses were particularly regarded with suspicion by the early modern middle class. They were situated in private houses, quite often as a means of supporting themselves by people newly arrived in a city or unable to find more respectable work, serving home-brewed ale and quite often acting as brothels. With his background in such a notoriously immoral profession, it is not surprising that the respectable sections of Jacobean and Stuart society viewed Parker’s literary creations, and those of others like him, with distaste and suspicion.

Not unsurprisingly, such unofficial literature, aimed securely at the working classes, enjoyed considerable popularity during periods of social and political unrest, such as the English Civil War. The 17th century collector George Thomason amassed 22 pamphlets in 1640. By 1660 this had grown to include 22,000 assorted pamphlets, newspapers and newssheets. [8] Although such literature has been extensively studied by historians attempting to trace the theological and political doctrines expounded in them, it is often overlooked that purely theological tracts were very much in the minority. The majority of chapbooks during the period of the English Civil War were very much concerned with relating the latest wonder or prodigy to appear to the beleaguered nation. This did not, however, mean that their authors were not concerned with making a particular political or sectarian point.

The pamphlet A Miracle of Miracles Wrought by the Blood of King Charles the First recounted the miraculous cure of the 14-15 year old daughter of one Mrs. Baillie from a skin disease after being wiped by a handkerchief that had been dipped in the king’s blood after his execution. Needless to say, not a few of these tracts were distinctly radical in tone, qualities that made them immensely attractive to the nascent hippy New Left when it appeared in the 60′s. To the intellectuals of the dawning counterculture, reacting against capitalism and the stifling rationalism, which supported it, such radical pamphlets represented an autonomous, folk literature offering vital models and ideologies for the alternative society they wished to found.

Even nearly forty years after the counterculture has morphed into the less confrontational, far more capitalism-friendly ‘alternative culture’, vestiges of this fascination with 17th century radicalism still remain in the alternative press. Aporia Press, for example, publish a range of 17th century radical tracts by the visionaries Abiezer Coppe, John Robins and the Diggers, amongst others, as well as Fortean material in the Anomalous Phenomena of the Interregnum, all edited by Andrew Hopton, as well as more contemporary radical and anarchist material. As well as absorbing these authors’ attitude to the numinous and occult, the ideologues of the new counterculture also took over, to a greater or lesser extent, their attitude to history. This is effectively illustrated by the emergence of contemporary psychogeography from the ley-hunting milieu in the early 90′s.

Sixties ley hunting was essentially the hybrid child of Chinese geomancy and Alfred Watkin’s ‘Old Straight Track(s)’. From being merely the neglected remains of Neolithic tracks and pathways – damned by establishment archaeology, but not invested with any special numinous power – leys became indigenous British dragonlines – mysterious channels of supernatural Earth energies, enfolding the landscape in a web of occult architecture and power.

Instrumental in the development of such ideas was the archaeologist and paranormal investigator T.C. Lethbridge, whose dowsing experiments led him into increasingly bizarre occult speculation on the nature of witchcraft, and the origins of ghosts and genius loci in emotionally charged images and events becoming telepathically imprinted on the fabric of the landscape itself. Bruce Cathie’s notion of the global energy web as a power system for UFOs is essentially an application of this idea to the UFO mythos. Much the same can be said of the idea, espoused inter alia by Arthur Shuttlewood, that the quartz contained in the constituent rocks of the ancient henge monuments allow them to operate like the crystals in early cat’s whisker radios, regulating the earth energies generated along such leys. [9] This, however, is an attempt to put a rationalist, scientific gloss on what is essentially an occult doctrine.

Although such ideas have now been effectively discredited, they have still left their mark, particularly in popular literature. The idea of the henge monuments, barrows and other Neolithic sacred sites as a primitive power grid for lost, antediluvian civilisations has been taken up in the 2000 AD comic strip, Slaine, whose Celtic hero draws on it to provide him with supernatural strength and ferocity during terrifying ‘warp-spasm’ battle rages. The effects of these are not unlike the physical contortions experienced by the Irish hero Cu Chulainn. Elsewhere in the strip such energies are used to propel merchant vessels through the sky, and power ‘leyser’ ray guns. Throughout, the strip is strongly informed by a pagan spirituality centred firmly on Danu, the Earth Mother.

Less obviously neopagan, but no less informed by the numinous power of place, are the works of Alan Garner. As a recent review of his latest book in the pages of the Financial Times review supplement noted, Garner was strongly influenced by the Aboriginal Australian idea ofthe songlines – tracts of landscape forged and shaped by the superhuman ancestors of the Dreamtime, and still invested with their awesome power, accessible to their descendants as they travel across their ancestral ranges through myth and ritual. Garner’s landscapes are similarly invested with occult force, occupied and haunted as they are by powerful and predatory supernatural entities such as The Morrigan in the Moon of Gomrath, while time itself is fluid and permeable. His youthful, and sometimes more mature heroes can be transported back into the past during timeslips, while mythic figures from the Celtic dreamtime may intrude into the present. Some of this is a fantastication of Garner’s own experiences, growing up in the Peak district, in an area of awesome natural beauty populated, in his own words. by ‘people of living Chaucerian speech’.

Outside of the province of children’s literature, it’s possible to discern the continuing legacy of such mystic attitudes to place in the current vogue for Chinese geomancy proper, now robbed of its cultural context and domesticated, in line with the rest of the New Age marketing phenomenon, as a tweely mystical indoor decorating fad.

Ley hunting itself, however, practically collapsed in the late 1980s under rationalist criticisms of the spuriousness of its methods and concepts. The ancient alignments of which leys were allegedly composed were often widely separated in time and purpose, while some of the supposed geographical features sculpted by the ancients were nothing of the sort, but modern railway embankments, roads and drainage ditches. The result was the discrediting of this countercultural discipline as a whole, and some of the more notorious of its products in particular, such as the infamous Glastonbury Zodiac. It should be recognised, however, that despite these criticisms the discipline still retains its intellectual validity for some, and the Society of Leyhunters continues to meet and publish its researches.

Furthermore, some enthusiasts carried on to apply the same techniques of searching the landscape for patterns connecting disparate features to the urban environment, in which the bulk of the western European population now live. The result was psychogeography. The term first seems to have emerged c.1992 or thereabouts in the name of the London Psychogeographical Association, whose pamphlet claimed that various architectural features of the metropolis had been consciously planned by the Freemasons and other covert occult groups to form patterns channelling ley energy into Canary Wharf, thus aiding the secret power elite in their quest for world domination. This particular document appears to have been intended largely as a prank. A few years previously, Neil Gaiman and Terry Pratchett in their book Good Omens rather mischievously suggested that the course of the M25, or London Orbital Motorway, was deliberately planned as a giant Satanic sigil, energised each day by the angry passage of thousands of irate motorists who thus unconsciously performed an occult ritual designed to raise the level of misery and rage in contemporary Britain.

christschurch2The outré claims about the Masonic architecture of Canary Wharf seems to be influenced by Gaiman’s and Pratchett’s joke, though a number of people signally failed to get it. There thus followed a series of articles in some of the wilder reaches of the weird press examining various global capitals for signs of Masonic and occult symbolism in their layout. One issue of Matthew Williams’  Truthseekers’ Review carried an interview with a Czech researcher who traced Masonic patterns and designs in the layout of Prague, while similar symbolism has been found in that of Washington DC. In the case of the latter, the designs are almost certainly there, as much of the city’s layout was indeed planned according to Masonic principles.

Unfortunately for those versions of the theory, which see such evidence of Masonic influence, as the marks of an oppressive, Fascistic conspiratorial elite, one of the city’s planners, Benjamin Banneker, was Black. To him Freemasonry, rather than being an oppressive, elitist force, probably represented the beginning of a new, more democratic order of universal brotherhood and freedom, regardless of colour or ethnic origin.

Going further into the realm of art, psychogeography has inspired groups of people to go out and explore the mystic, visionary aspects of the urban landscape. Moore’s `Beat Seance’, referred toabove, is a case in point. At least in its CD form, it’s an hour long exploration of the weirder aspects of Highbury and its denizens, including Coleridge’s drug-induced hallucinatory peregrinations, Aleister Crowley’s residence, Joe Meek’s suicide and the 1923 football team’s brief experimentation with amphetamines, then legal, to assist their game, inter alia, all linked by their location in Highbury and grouped thematically according to the occult elements of Earth, Air, Fire and Water.

As a piece of performance art, an exploration of the bizarre local history of one of London’s suburbs by a master of contemporary high strangeness, it works very well, according to your taste. To his credit, Moore doesn’t take psychogeography’s academic pretensions too seriously, wittily describing himself and his fellow performers as: ‘Rosicrucian heating engineers … cowboy operatives … read(ing) the street plan’s accidental creases and the orbit maps left by coffee cups.’ Moore intended it as art, and a mystical evocation of the spirit of a distinct place. It is not, however, intended as a work of serious history.

Other artists influenced by the mindset and techniques of psychogeography in their work are Ian Sinclair and Peter Ackroyd. Sinclair has stated in interviews that he believes “there are always these structures of domination and power and spirits, which can be articulated for ill within the grids, patterns and geometry of the city.” He did, however, reject the idea that there “was a sub-masonic cult that meet(s) in hidden rooms”, considering instead that “just the sheer fact of people endlessly having walked between this building and that building creates a band of consciousness which remains an active thing you can tap into.” [10]

His acute concern with the mystical impact of the landscape informs works such as his Lud Heat, while his 1997 Lights Out for the Territory, has been described as ‘a non-fiction diary of nine walks charting London’s mythology, secret history and counterculture.’ [11] Similarly, Ackroyd’s Hawksmoor was based on the conceit that the 17th-18th century architect, fictionalised as Nicholas Dyer, was a secret member of a Satanic coven, surreptitiously incorporating his occult designs into the fabric of the churches he was commissioned to build. As with the landscape features around Canary Wharf, these lined up into a distinct, conscious pattern: a pentangle. Ackroyd uses the fictional Hawksmoor’s life, and that of a twentieth century detective of the same name, investigating a series of bizarre and motiveless murders, to explore the depths of human evil.

Not all of Ackroyd’s work has shared this pessimism, however. One critic of Ackroyd’s oeuvre remarked that as well as occult horror, he had “also revived the myth of Albion as a spiritual Possibility wherein all the horrors and indignities of history are somehow healed in a timeless paradise that draws in the dark and the light and transforms it into Blakean chorale of love and reconciliation.” [12] Given these psychogeographical inclinations, however, it is no accident that Sinclair subtitled his most recent book, a travelogue about the M25, a chorography.

This was the study of local history with particular reference to its surviving physical remains. Although the classic English chorographical works appeared in the 16th and 17th centuries, with William Camden’s Britannia of 1586 as one of the foremost examples of the genre, like the other forms of historical writing it, too had its origin in renaissance Italy. It first emerged in the Roman world with Ptolemy, before being revived in 1453 by Flavio Biondo with the publication of his Italy Illustrated. This dcscribed the classical remains and antiquities surviving in the Italian peninsula, itemised according to its fourteen ancient regions. It was enormously popular, and once publishcd, national pride dictated that other scholars outside Italy would produce similar works to demonstrate the antiquity of their lands. Thus, Conrad Celtis, the poeta laureatus of the German emperor Maximilian I, produced his Germany Illustrated in the later fifteenth century, followed in England by Camden’s volume, amongst others. These were intended to show that Britain, too, could boast impressive Roman remains like her continental rivals.

On to Part Two>>

References:

  1. X, ed., Charles Fort’s Book of the Damned, John Brown Publishing, 1995, p. 1.
  2. For a more comprehensive discussion of the development of Renaissance historiography and its break with medieval attitudes to history, see Burke, P., The Renaissance Sense of the Past, London, Edward Arnold, 1969.
  3. Moore, A., The Highbury Working: A Beat Seance, RE:, REPCD03, 1997.
  4. Discussed more fully in Dunbabin, J., ‘Discovering a Past for the French Aristocracy’ in Magdalino, P., (ed), The Perception of the Past in Twelfth Century Europe, London, Hambledon Press, 1992.
  5. ‘Introduction’, Kelley, D.R., and Sacks, D.H., The Historical Imagination in Early Modern Britain: History, Rhetoric and Fiction, 1500-1800, Cambridge University Press, 1997.
  6. Quoted in Helgerson, R., ‘Murder in Faversham: Holinshed’s Impertinent History’, in Kelley, and Sacks, op. cit., p. 147.
  7. Ibid, p. 147.
  8. Friedman, J., Miracles and the Pulp Press during the English Revolution- The Battle of the Frogs and Fairford’s Flies, UCL, London,1993.
  9. See Shuttlewood, A., The Flying Saucerers, Sphere, London, 1976, pp. 27-32.
  10. Hedgecock, ‘The lain Sinclair Interview’, The Edge, no. 6, December 1997-January 1998, P. 19.
  11. Ibid, p.14
  12. Newman, P., ‘The Art of Shadows’, 3rd Stone, no. 44, Autumn 2002, p. 33.

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The Age of Infantilism: A Response to Brookesmith.
David Sivier

From Magonia 64, August 1998.

In issues 54, 56 and 63 of Magonia, that stalwart of ufological scepticism and scourge of the wooly-minded, Peter Brookesmith, presented his thesis that the imagery and symbolism of the UFO, and particularly the abduction phenomenon, had their roots in the semitic conception of god as mitigated by the ‘American Religion’, defined by Professor Harold Bloom as “a severely internalized Grail Quest whose goal is immortality

Brookesmith further adds that, “experience of that immortality is gained shamanistically – through direct revelation, without mediation, and in solitude. Immortality is already presumed or predicated in an underlying dualistic (Gnostic) belief that the individual harbours a remnant of divinity – the ‘divine spark’ within himself, which is older than creation; it is symbolized by the empty, post-Resurrection cross of American churches. Lying beyond this and informing it … is the motif of America as Eden.” (2)

Brookesmith is an elegant writer and possesses a singular, scathing wit which he has used to good effect against his opponents. His arguments are always pertinent and deserve attention, even if one does not accept them. In issue of 61 of this magazine I attempted to counter some of the more controversial of his statements in my essay, Crashed Cups. This was, however, before the last part of Brookesmith’s original essay appeared, which in turn raised several issues which merit closer examination.

The first is his definition of the American religion. There is much that is true in the above definition – Mormonism, as the quintessential American religion, in particular being replete in Gnostic ideas such as pre-existent souls – but these features are not confined solely to American Christianity. Shamanism itself predates Christianity, and although mysticism and charismatic phenomena – the gifts of the Holy Spirit – have formed a part of the Christian experience since the age of the early church, these phenomena have become less frequent, and often discouraged, except in the case of revivalist sects. We shall return to this theme later as it applies particularly to the Abductionists.

The most important thing to note here is that this shamanistic mystical faith which finds itself situated within a sacral landscape is not confined solely to America, but is also found thousands of miles away, at the eastern extremity of Europe in Russia. While America sees itself as an Eden, thanks to the frontier wilderness encountered by the first settlers, Russia views itself as the Third Rome, the successor to Byzantium through the marriage of Vladimir, the first Kievan Russian King, to Anna, the sister of the Byzantine emperor Basil II in the eleventh century, and the consequent conversion of Russia to Eastern Orthodoxy.

Although Russian Orthodoxy is strongly ritualistic, charismatic phenomena like those found in Mormonism and American Pentecostalism have their counterparts among indigenous Russian sects, such as the Old Believers and the Baptists. The glossalia of the Baptists in particular formed the basis of the ‘transrational’ language, Zaum, as invented by the Russian Futurist poet Alexei Kruchonykh. Similarly, Russian religious faith shows an intense discomfort with the physical body, especially sex. The celibacy of the Shakers has an even more extreme counterpart in the institutional castration of the Skoptzi. Even outside of this Christian milieu, ‘scientific’ cosmists such as the poet Aleksandr Gorsky could maintain that “death is not a law of life; it must be overcome. One must be chaste. Chastity is a precondition for the immortality of the flesh.” (3)

Gorsky himself remained chaste, even within his marriage, seeing the deaths of other people as an unworthy deed they had somehow committed. Paradoxically, this unease with reproduction can lead to libertinage. Its been alleged that the Gnostics of antiquity and the Albigensians of the Middle Ages held their orgies not to celebrate or indulge their sexuality, but to show their contempt for the flesh by giving it to the person next to them at the Sabbat, regardless of gender. Similarly, that quintessential epitome of Russian mysticism and sexual vice, Rasputin, whose very name means debauchee, came from a sect who believed their leader had a spark of the divinity within him, which his followers could only share through sexual union, a doctrine which Rasputin seems also to have applied to himself.

This discomfort with sexuality is not confined to Christianity, nor is Christianity alone in the Virgin birth of its central figure. The Dowayos of Cameroon, although leading healthily adulterous lives, are deeply prudish. They are therefore extremely careful to keep their reproductive organs covered, and sex takes place in the dark. Sex must not be indulged in before important activities like the hunt, while the firewalkers of Fiji had to abstain for about three weeks before walking lest they burned themselves. In recent times the pressures of commercial tourism has reduced this period of abstinence to three days, but the principle remains. Even Buddhism has its ascetic cast, and Buddhist monks are as abstinent as their counterparts in the West.

Chinese religion too has its Virgin births. The great hero Monkey was born from a rock, as old as creation, though one fertilised by the elements. As for supernatural abductions, like our fairies the Japanese oni carry off attractive members of the opposite sex. The Japanese heroes Momotaro, Yoshitsune and Benkei rescued young women who had been abducted by these demons. More recently, the Polish anthropologist Dionysiusz Czubala, has collected a number of contemporary legends in Mongolia in which the tradition of abducting wildmen, like the Yeti, is still very much alive. One of the offspring of such a union between a human woman and these apes is allegedly one of the country’s greatest actors at the national theatre. These countries did not, however, produce the UFO myth. Why not?

In the case of Africa, Polynesia and much of Asia, the answer is simple. The UFO is essentially a technological myth, and these parts of the planet are still largely traditional societies lacking the technological and industrial advances of the West. When anomalous flying objects are sighted, as Cynthia Hind in Zimbabwe has complained, they are likely to be subsumed into indigenous African beliefs concerning their gods or ancestors, and it can be assumed that this is, or has been, much the case with pre-industrial societies outside Africa as well. This does not explain why the UFO myth should not have appeared first in Europe, Russia or Japan besides America. All these areas were as developed scientifically as America, and shared the same scientistic preoccupations. Germany and Russia produced two of the first films dealing with spaceflight – Aelita, 1924, and Die Frau im Mond (The Woman in the Moon), 1929. Outside of America, Italy produced one of the very first SF comic strips, a space opera entitled Saturno Contra La Terra (Saturn Against Earth), which ran in the comic L’Awenturoso between 1937 and 1943.

Although Italy and Russia lagged behind the rest of Europe in industrialisation, the Futurist movements in both countries presented a vociferously and rabidly technophile artistic culture. Japan’s tastes in SF seem less preoccupied with space travel and more oriented towards cybernetics, as shown in the long tradition of films and comics featuring robot heroes, beginning with Masaki Sakamoto’s Tanku Tankuro strip of 1934. This seems as much the legacy of oriental fascination with the automata introduced to the East by European merchants as a continuation of Western literary exploration of such artificial creatures as Frankenstein’s monster. It would appear that while Western technological yearnings sought an additional symbol in space travel, the Japanese primarily concentrated on robotics, at least until very recently when it, too, took up the international trends towards space adventure.

Brookesmith partially qualifies his statement of the essentially Semitic religious nature of the UFO religion by stating that its successful export “may, for instance, be a symptom and a sign that a deracinated and relativistic Western culture has had to generate a new religious perspective to accomodate and resolve its own disturbing and destructive characteristics and their consequences.” (4)

This is essentially true, especially when one takes notes of the powerful fascination many of the earliest contactees had with Eastern philosophy. Adamski and George King are two such examples, not to mention the essentially Theosophical religious views permeating the ideas of William Dudley Pelley’s and Elizabeth Clare Prophet’s Church Universal and Triumphant. Western moral relativism, although widely perceived as a recent phenomenon, actually began in the 19th century and has its roots in the 18th, when Europeans became impressed with the religious traditions of their subject peoples.

It was this fascination with oriental religions which was successfully exported back to the West in the form of Theosophy. It was Theosophy in turn which seems to have permeated the Cosmist ideas promulgated by the Russian rocket pioneer Konstantin Tsiolkovskii in the 1920s. Tsiolkovskii spent much of his life in the Russian provincial town of Kaluga, then one of the major centres of Russian Theosophy, and his idea that matter is permeated with a “conscious energy … striving for further development, perfection and happiness” represents “a peculiar synthesis of vitalism and monadology with Theosophical, Buddhist and pan-psychic thought”. (5) This synthesis of visionary science and an occultism tinged with oriental beliefs first appeared in Tsiolkovsky’s 1914 book, Nirvana, 33 years before Kenneth Arnold’s sighting over the Rockies. Other rocket scientists with a pronounced interest in occultism included the German pioneers Hermann Ganswindt and Hermann Oberth, and Max Valier.

This term ‘visionary’ is important. In science it tends to be applied to the great pioneering theorists of space travel and the colonisation of the cosmos. The planetary scientist, John S. Lewis, uses it in his book Mining the Sky to describe such thinkers, especially the great scientists, philosophers and writers J.D. Bernal, Olaf Stapledon and Arthur C. Clarke. (6) The term, with its mystical overtones, encapsulates the almost religious fervour felt by the supporters of space exploration. Tsiolkovkii and the other cosmists, as we have seen, subscribed to a set of beliefs which saw the task of humanity as perfecting itself, conquering death, and resurrecting the dead as well as the colonization of the universe.

These ideas seem to have entered the speculation of other leading scientific prophets independently of Tsiolkovskii’s influence. Thus, scientists and SF writers like David Langford and Brian Stableford in their book The Third Millenium, can forecast a genetically modified humanity with a vastly extended lifespan which expands out into the cosmos. Ian McDonald in his novel Necroville saw the route to immortality as submicroscopic nanorobots which restructured a person’s cells to resurrect them after death, which has its parallels in the belief of many Russians that Lenin’s body was preserved so that scientists could one day raise him from the dead. Even established reproductive technologies such as cloning have this mystical aspect, the religious desire to preserve and resurrect a lost loved one. Rael, remember, is trying to establish Clonaid, a charity which will offer parents the opportunity to clone their dead children. A Russian scientist has also declared that he now has the ability to raise Lenin from the grave using such techniques.

As for discomfort with the human body and its drives and limitations, this is also reflected in the hubristic theorizing of the Extropians and Downloaders, who wish to see human personalities transferred to computers and the human race eventually become a society of civilised machines. One of the leading theorists of the movement, Hans Moravec, sincerely wanted to be a machine at one point, and his predecessor in such strange ideas, Bob Truax, who was also active building his own, DIY passenger-carrying spacerocket, expressed his own dissatisfaction with the engineering limitations of the human body when he said, “What right-minded engineer would try to build any machine out of lime and jelly? Bone and protoplasm are extremely poor structural materials”. (7) Truax himself was utterly convinced that “the core of the human personality was not matter, but mind: ‘It has been called the `soul’, the ‘id’, or simply the ‘self or’identity.’ Certainly it is not the body.” (8)

This technological yearning for a superior, cybernetic man eventually threw up the bush robot, Moravec’s ultimate brain child, which looked like nothing so much as the offspring of a blighted union between a tree and a TV aerial. Nevertheless, its creator loved it, hailing it as a “marvel of surrealism to behold,” (9) and declaring that it would be “an almost omnipotent being … There’d be virtually no task, mental or physical, that it would be unable to accomplish … the laws of physics will seem to melt in the face of intention and will. As with no magician that ever was, impossible things will simply happen around a robot bush. Imagine inhabiting such a body”. (10) The ultimate modification of the human body would be an electron-positron plasma, created billions of years hence to survive the Heat Death of the Universe and the collapse of any survivingg protons.

This proposal is strikingly reminiscent of Tsiolkovskii’s proposal that the human body be adapted to life in space, and that the eventual, final form of the human species would be a kind of radiation, “immortal in time and infinite in space”. (11) Stephen Baxter and Arthur C. Clarke have both suggested that advanced civilisations, including our own, may evolve into robotic beings. Baxter expressed this idea in an article for the popular magazine Focus, while the clearest exposition of it in Clarke’s work is the novel of 2001: A Space Odyssey. These writers diverge, however, in their extrapolation of the next evolutionary stage. To Clarke, this is disembodied minds embossed directly onto the fabric of space itself, such as the entity which transforms the hero of 2001 into the Starchild, while Baxter merely suggests that human beings would subsume into programmes run on vast, planet-sized computers.

The imagery of 2001 is replete with religious metaphors of fall, redemption and rebirth. The paintings in the hotel bedroom created by the extraterrestrial supermind in the final scenes are all of the Madonna and Child, while the creature’s remodelling of the hero into the superhuman Starchild could be seen very much as an alien god sending out his spirit on a favourite son, with whom he is well-pleased. Clarke himself was certainly not unaware of the religious symbolism in the movie, and went about sniggering that it was “the greatest religious film ever made”, sentiments echoed in the Soviet film maker Tarkovsky’s statement that “we don’t have religious films any more. We have Science Fiction.”

There are even angels in SF and hard scientific speculation too. Tsiolkovskii believed there existed a class of ethereal, incorporeal sentient beings more perfect than humans who imparted messages to humanity using atmospheric and heavenly phenomena. Carl Sagan’s book, Contact, has an underlying subtext in which the universe is the product of intelligent design, and the aliens with whom humanity make contact hint at the hallmarks of this design contained in the structure of the universe itself. “Thus the aliens play the traditional role of angels, acting as intermediaries between mankind and God, cryptically indicating the way towards occult knowledge of the universe and human existence.” (12)

Furthermore, that long-standing scientific controversialist, Fred Hoyle, has suggested in his book The Intelligent Universe that the special conditions found in our cosmic neighbourhood for the creation of life are the conscious product of advanced intelligent beings. Indeed, he goes further and suggests that the universe is itself the product of a much more powerful superintelligence from the timeless vantage point of the infinite future. Like the ultimate observer in Baxter’s Timelike Infinity, this superintelligence is clearly fulfilling a role ascribed traditionally to God. Davies concludes from these and other examples that the search for alien beings can thus be seen as part of a long-standing religious quest as well as a scientific project.

It is only in this century that discussion of extraterrestrial beings has taken place in a context where a clear separation has been made between the scientific and religious aspects of the topic. But this separation is really only skin deep

This should not surprise us. Science began as an out-growth of theology, and all scientists, whether atheists or theists, and whether or not they believe in the existence of alien beings, accept an essentially theological worldview. It is only in this century that discussion of extraterrestrial beings has taken place in a context where a clear separation has been made between the scientific and religious aspects of the topic. But this separation is really only skin deep. (13)

Frank Tipler’s The Physics of Immortality. attacked by CSICOP, among others, as pseudoscience, was merely an attempt to unite science with its ideological parent. Possibly that’s what angered Tipler’s critics: at some level, at least, he’d given the game away. Sometimes this close connection between science and religion proved particularly uncomfortable for the former. The first scientist to propose the Big Bang theory was a Belgian priest, Joseph Lemaitre, who published it in a 1929 paper. This seemed too close to Judaeo-Christian ideas of creation ex nihilo for Fred Hoyle, who scathingly asked what kind of scientific theory it was, “that had been proposed by a priest and endorsed by the Pope?” (14) Religion may stand dumb in the face of science, but science is itself rapidly taking on a religious, even mystical dimension. If religion is the opium of humanity, then science fiction, as C.S. Lewis once observed, is the only mind-expanding drug.

Does this mean that the ufological religion is based in the Semitic and American religions? Certainly, in some specific instances. Both Maxim Gorky and Nikolai Rozhkov, two of the Soviet state’s most prominent cosmists, had been adherents of God-building, which was an attempt by some Marxists to draw the peasants and workers to their beliefs through their religious piety. It declared that the creation of a Communist world order, a worker’s paradise, was the divine task of all true Christian people to build the body of Christ here on Earth. Tsiolkovsky himself published a positivistic exegesis of the canonical Gospels.

Quazgaa introduced Betty Andreasson to the voice of God, who exhorted her to turn to His son, Jesus Christ, after, significantly, accepting a Bible from her. Bill Ellis has convincingly demon-strated the roots of the Heaven’s Gate cult – some of whose members also castrated themselves – in peculiarly American forms of Christian evangelicalism. (15) This is really not surprising, considering that the sect’s leader, Marshall Applewhite, was the son of a Presbyterian minister. More recent ufological imports to America, such as Hon-Ming Chen’s True Way, have a more Buddhist religious orientation, although the Christian element in their beliefs is still prominent. (16)Apart from this, is the conception of an organising superintelligence permeating the works of certain visionary scientists and SF writers essentially Semitic in origin? Not necessarily. Davies draws a comparison between the aliens and superintelligence in Hoyle’s book The Intelligent Universe with Plato’s Demiurge and The Good, or God, and points out that Hoyle is “quick to concede the inspiration he has drawn from Greek, rather than Judaic, theology.” (17)

That ufology draws upon popular SF for its symbolism seems to me to be well-established. Ufology, however, seems to be remarkable for what it leaves out of its conceptual building blocks, as well as what it includes. Brookesmith notes that although the UFOs and their occupants have acquired some of the aspects of gods, they do not seem to have completely taken over the godlike technology of some of the entities in science fiction. Douglas Adams’ The Restaurant at the End of the Universe contains an entire artificial cosmos constructed specifically for Zaphod Beeblebrox. Beverley Crusher, one of Star Trek’s heroines, accidentally creates an entire personal universe for herself from a warp bubble created by her son during an experiment in the episode Remember Me? The Sidhe in Greg Bear’s Infinity Concerto are able to create artificial universes, like Sidhedark, through their sorcery, but Bear states in the sequel, The Serpent Mage, that in two centuries’ time humans will be capable of doing the same, though this time through natural science.

Clearly, ufology is lagging behind not only hard scientific speculation, but also its sources in SF. The human mind may conceive of the Visitors as angels and godlings, or at least as gnostic gods positioned halfway between humanity and the unknown God, but they shrink from portraying the aliens as full-scale creator gods them-selves. The Greys may have created humanity, but they are not the cosmos’ ultimate architects.

Scandinavia and Greece were the favoured locations of numerous reports of ghost rockets shortly after the War, and the first reported sexual encounter with an abducting alien was the Villas-Boas case in Brazil. Yet it’s true that “the UFO phenomenon was, at birth, exclusively American”. (18) Why, given that other European countries, including Russia, shared the same Semitic religious heritage, scientific and scientistic preoccupations with a occult subculture tinged with orientalism? The answer probably lies in the innately democratic nature of American society, and the peculiar complex of fears and neuroses surrounding it.

First of all, Germany and Russia were under the heel of totalitarian ideologies jealous of the grip other myths could exert on the minds of their citizens. Religion was severely repressed in Russia, and documents relating to pseudoscience or occultism were either suppressed or destroyed. The influence of pan-German occultism on Hitler was profound, yet he banned the neo-pagan sects when he came to power, fearing that they were sent by ‘dark forces’ to divide Germany. The V2 team at Peenemunde may have harboured secret hopes of space travel and a better use for their rockets, but these enthusiasms were not shared by their Nazi superiors. Von Braun himself was twice interrogated by the Gestapo because it was felt he was too interested in space travel, rather than his patriotic duty of destroying the Allies.

In Russia, many of the earlier rocket pioneers like Sergei Korolev found themselves in Stalin’s gulags, until the necessity of the War years forced the authorities to release them in order to channel their skills into the task of fighting the Germans. Even in the freer climate after Stalin’s death, those scientists in the Soviet Union interested in ufology had to tread extremely carefully, and official disfavour with its attendant penalties was always a major peril. In Italy and Russia the Futurists were effectively sidelined by the authorities, who sought an art with more obvious appeal to the masses. Marinetti did not shoot himself like Mayakovsky, but his influence was severely circumscribed. Besides, the Futurists’ main enthusiasm in both countries seems to have been conventional aviation, rather than spaceflight. After the War, continental Europe was chiefly preoccupied with the task of reconstruction, rather than inventing new myths of its own.

The chief difference between Russia and America, though, seems to have been in the availability of science fiction and occult literature. Before the massive industrialization of the Stalin era, 95 per cent of the Russian population were peasants and the country had an extremely high rate of illiteracy. America was far more advanced industrially, and possessed a large reading public. The readership of the pulps ran into millions. Martin Gardner and John Keel have convincingly proved that the development of the ETH was heavily dependent on the support given to the new phenomenon by Ray Palmer, who bequeathed to it the manichean dualism of the Shaver mystery. Fate, when it appeared, was a national news stand magazine, of a type unknown and impossible in Russia. The American public were primed to accept the ETH because for over half a century previously mass-circulation magazines had carried tales of extra-terrestrial derring-do.

Only one problem remains in this examination of the American origins of the saucer myth. That is the question of why the myth, with its attendant fears and paranoia, occurred at precisely the time when American international influence was at its strongest this century, and when confidence in the government was at its highest? The FBI and other government organizations received many letters from ordinary citizens denouncing ufologists as ‘communistic’ because they were vociferously sceptical of the government. Again, the key seems to be the external threat posed by Communism to democracy and the American way of life.

1947 saw the Communists take power in eastern Europe, and subsequent years saw the transformation of those countries into Soviet satellites. Democracy, and by identification, America, was threatened. Faced with the sudden expansion of a competing ideology vying with America for global influence, 1947 “found many Americans questioning the meaning of their nation and of life itself”. (19)

Sects are primarily protest movements, and the UFO myth has undoubtedly acted as a vehicle for the articulation of intense dissatisfaction with the government, first through a violent revolt against its perceived impotence in the face of the saucer threat, which was seen as deliberate disinformation, and then to its alleged conspiratorial nature as the myth darkened after the Kennedy assassination and Watergate. Many of the SF movies of the 50s use alien invasion as a metaphor for Communist infiltration, an idea that certainly has its counterpart in ufology, especially in early fears that the saucers were some new Soviet craft. Arguably, anti-Communism has been as powerful a force shaping ufology as its origins in formal religion, though perhaps more in the form of a prevailing sense of threat rather than in any expressed doctrines.

Then there is the problem of the alleged Gnosticism of the phenomenon. One of the first things that needs stating is that gnosticism was never an exclusively Christian movement. The ideological ingredients in Gnosticism were taken from Semitic, Platonic, and Zoroastrian and even Ancient Egyptian religious concepts. Although many of the sects were Christian, certain forms should be seen as separate religions in their own right, such as that of Mani of Babylon. Other non-Christian religions with a gnostic basis included the Druzes of Lebanon, whose origins in Shi’ah Islam have been extensively modified by the admixture of Gnostic ideas. Some sects were and are prechristian. These include the Mandaeans, the so-called ‘Christians of St. John’. They, however, are nothing of the sort. The central salvefic figure in their religion is St. John the Baptist, and they revile Christ as a false prophet. Some Gnostic texts, like the Poimandres of Hermes Trismegistus, owe little or nothing to influences from the Semitic world. The Hermetic writings, which include gnostic material such as the above Poimandres, “not only are purely pagan but even lack polemical reference to either Judaism or Christianity”. (20)

The rejection of the material world in Gnosticism is essentially a reaction to the suffering inherent in material existence, and represents a Hellenized monotheism struggling to develop an effective theodicy to deal with the problem of evil. Western, and a very large part of Islamic, philosophy has its origins in ancient Greek thought, and although modern technological civilisation has superceded ancient ideas, philosophy as an intellectual culture still remains saturated with their influence. Some of this may simply be that the ancients were the first to frame many of the perennial problems of philosophy. A number of modern texts on cosmology, for example, refer to St Augustine, who wondered what God did before the Creation, a question raised still now when the universe’s origins are under discussion. It is entirely likely that even if the Roman Empire had not converted to Christianity, and bequeathed its Semitic heritage to the West, Western thought would still have had a gnostic cast through the asceticism in Hellenic philosophy.

The striking similarity between ancient Christian Gnosticism and later Jewish cabbalism is an interesting question which has never been satisfactorily explained. Brookesmith cites Karen Armstrong, saying that the Safed cabbalism of Isaac Luria “can fairly be described as Gnosticism without Christ”. (21) Earlier cabbalists also produced passages strikingly reminiscent of ancient esoteric Christian texts. Joseph Gikatila, a contemporary of the great 13th cabbalist and author of the Zohar, Moses de Leon, wrote an important text, The Mystery of the Serpent, which is strongly reminiscent of the beliefs of the Ophites, a Christian gnostic sect which venerated snakes. (22) The book Bahir which circulated in twelfth century Provence was strongly influenced by the vanished Raza Rabba, or Great Mystery, which itself held much gnostic speculation on the aeons or inferior demiurges. Much Gnostic speculation can, however, be reasonably traced to the same Jewish sources that inspired the cabbalah. The description of the divine throne in the Hypostasis of the Archons or the Book of Norea originated in Jewish speculation about the Merkaba or divine chariot, which was itself developed from the vision of Ezekiel.

It’s possible to conclude from this that Jewish mysticism was developed from Christian gnostic teaching, though it’s more likely that later Jewish mysticism was “so much in accord with other features of authentically Jewish thought which the Gnostics did not know – thought which, for its own part, is almost totally ignorant of any dualistic conception of the universe – that one is tempted to believe that it was the Gnostic sects who received a great part of their theories from Judaism.” (23) This is interesting, for it states that essentially monistic Jewish ideas, taken by ideologues and theologians widely separated in space and time, were independently elaborated into dualistic religious systems.

Inherent in this is the idea of the transvaluation of values, of different value systems superseding each other as society changes. One example of the impact of societal change on religious thought is the shift in emphasis from the preparation for death and the afterlife to the quest for the meaning of life. In the ancient world and Middle Ages, life was indeed, to use Thomas Hobbs’ phrase, ‘poor, nasty, brutish and short’. Most people could expect to live only until the age of 30. The high rate of early mortality meant that death was an omnipresent companion, and so religion acquired a morbid cast, even producing manuals to enable the faithful to breath their last in a suitable manner. The Art of Dying Well was a real book widely read in the 17th century. In the present century the standard of health care in the West has improved immeasurably, and individuals can now look forward to a long life of at least the three score years and ten promised by the Bible. The result has been that religion has increasingly turned away from the rewards of the afterlife, to concentrate on the existential condition of humanity here on Earth.

This existential despair has been an important part of the post-war intellectual climate, largely because of the horrors of the Second World War, such as the Holocaust and bombing of Nagasaki, among others. The other major factor has been the retreat of hu-manity’s place in the universe as mod-em science has revealed a vast cos-mos of immense spaces and nearly infinite time, quite heedless of the may-fly lives of the intelligent beings thrown up by evolution on the surface of an insignificant world. This intense pessimism over humanity’s now meaningless place in the cosmos has undoubtedly drawn certain Western scholars to Gnosticism.

Hans Jonas clearly states that he was drawn to the study of Gnosticism because of its parallels with modern existentialism. This existentialism can itself be broken down into two types – Christian existentialism, the intellectual product of Soren Kierkegaard, and the atheist existentialism of Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche’s philosophical mentor, however, was Schopenhauer, and although he turned Schopenhauer on his head by stressing the joy in life, rather than despair, Schopenhauer’s influence may still be discerned.

Schopenhauer, however, was certainly no fan of the Semitic religions, and took his philosophical pessimism from Indian religious thought. The basis of Schopenhauer’s philosophy of the Will was elaborated from his reading of Plato and Kant, to which he added Anquetil Duperron’s Latin translation of a Persian version of the Upanishads and perhaps something from the great oriental scholar Friedrich Majer, the author of Brahma, or the Religion of the Hindus, whom he met in 1819. The effect of the Upanishads was to increase his pessimistic reading of Kant, so that it became “possible for him to employ the metaphysic of Kant in a sense remote from that in which Kant had employed it”. (24)

A good example of his promotion of a pessimistic orientalism over the Semitic religions can be found in Aphorism 9 in the above translation: “Brahma is supposed to have created the world by a kind of fall into sin, or by an error, and has to atone for this sin or error by remaining in it himself until he has redeemed himself out of it. Very good! … But that a god like Jehovah should create this world of want and misery animi causa and de gaiete de coeur and then go so far as to applaud himself for it, saying it is all very good: that is quite unacceptable.” (25)

Schopenhauer’s orientalism is important. Hollingdale considered that it was an important part of his eventual success, even though he met with a conspicuous lack of it in his own life time. While other German philosophers had used philosophy to justify Christianity’s fundamental assumptions, Shopenhauer recast Christianity “in a pessimistic sense, and then assimilated it to the religions of the East”. (26) It’s also important that Schopenhauer’s philosophy was fundamentally atheist. There’s no God in Schopenhauer, and so the problem of evil does not have to be reconciled to the existence of a benevolent deity. Most important, however, is Schopenhauer’s intense pessimism. In an age which has thrown off the optimism of the 19th century, and become increasingly sceptical of the benefits of modern technological civilisation, Schopenhauer’s pessimism is very attractive.

Modern ufological religions like the Aetherians, UNARIUS and the Church Universal and Triumphant are strongly permeated by Eastern religious conceptions, and it is by no means impossible that the antimaterial, ascetic, pessimistic streak in Buddhism and Hinduism has been exaggerated and more pronounced in the climate of Post-War existential despair. There are, of course, elements in Buddhism which undoubtedly have a gnostic cast, such as the belief that every being, or at least every human, has ‘Buddha nature’ – the capacity to gain enlightenment and enter nirvana like Gautama Buddha. There are a number of oriental religious festivals which celebrate this facet of human religious potential. In Nepal it is the festival of Mha Puja, when one greets one’s fellows with ‘I salute the god within you.’ (26) Something like this entered Science Fiction with the ‘grokking’ ceremonies in Heinlein’s Stranger in a Strange Land. Although all this certainly has links to the gnostic elements in the American religion, such as the pre-existent souls of Mormonism, within mainstream Christianity, at least, it remains an heretical doctrine.

There’s also a class aspect to the ufological religion to which is paid scant attention. In the typical analysis of class-related forms of worship, middle-class piety stresses discipline, reading and the quiet, bourgeois values. Working-class religion is orgiastic, the worshippers compensating for the harshness of their lives with a form of religious expression which stresses excitement. This is used to explain the charismaticism of Black Pentecostalism and various working-class White sects like the snake-handling cults of Alabama. At the top of the social ladder, aristocratic religious devotion emphasized mysticism, although this has largely vanished since the gentry have largely been absorbed into the upper middle-classes. Nevertheless, it is interesting how many leaders of ufological mysticism had pretensions to nobility. William Dudley Pelley tried to pass himself off as the Prince of Sumadjia, while George King enjoyed numerous chivalrous honours bestowed by the Venusians.

Many of these mystics came from background which, if not exactly bluecollar, were not glamorously middleclass either. Adamski, for all his pretensions of being an astronomer, ran a hamburger stall. George King was, before his sudden elevation to interplanetary parliament, a taxi driver. The popular joke that everyone in the American deep south is married to their sister and has seen a UFO, and that the most frequent victims of alien abduction are bored mid-Western housewives, take on a significance when one realises that the deep south is the most economically backward part of the USA. Clearly, working-class and upper-class spirituality are merging in the new ufological faith which compensates for frustrations and poverty in the here-and-now.

At the same time conventional society is being stripped of anything smacking of spontaneity – and remember, Weber believed that religion was one way society could try to recapture that spontaneity – religion itself is trying to strip itself of the mystical, or at least archaic, in order to appear relevant. The degradation of religious language, and Margaret Thatcher’s omission of the heroic, or human element in praising the soldiers of the Falkland’s War, is all part of the same process. The reaction to this new disenchantment could very well be the trance culture of the underground raves and burgeoning New Age mysticism.

In this analysis, therefore, the new religion of the UFO arises from the pressures and contradictions of modern scientific and industrial society acting on a primarily Semitic religious base, but one that is strongly alloyed with oriental esoterism as an integral part of it.

As for the similarities of Roswell to the quest for the Holy Grail, this seems more like an exercise in literary criticism than a sociological analysis, though it is intriguing

The defining elements are, however, modern science, which is slowly taking over religious discourses of eschatology and language, and post-industrial society which will develop any monistic thought, regardless of origin, into a form of dualism. As for the similarities of Roswell to the quest for the Holy Grail, this seems more like an exercise in literary criticism than a sociological analysis, though it is intriguing. The first thing to note is that many of the parallels with the Grail that Brookesmith cites are those taken from extra-Semitic sources, like the turning wheel of Buddha and Ixion. (28)

Brookesmith doubts that there will ever be a real Sir Perceval to find the ufological Holy Grail. Perhaps so, but there are no end of pretenders. Bob Lazar is one such, and the similarity between him and Perceval is striking. Perceval was blighted by his guilty love for Guinevere, Arthur’s wife, while good ol’ Bob is similarly blighted with sexual misdeeds – like working at an illegal brothel in Nevada.

As for the location of the Grail in a desert or wasteland, that has parallels in a number of non-Westem faiths. In the traditional tribal cultures of Africa, boys are sent into the bush before initiation (which often takes the form of circumcision, another form of genital mutilation) to isolate them from civilised society. Their liminal geographical location – a physical wilderness – is matched by their role in the social wilderness – neither child nor adult, boy nor man. Quite often this is done to protect society, especially women, from the potent mystical powers generated by this indeterminate state. That is why so many tribal cultures cover their boys in wickerwork ‘spaceman’ suits, of the type cited by Von Daniken. To this may be added that the Plains Indians also sent their young men out on vision quests, to seek their identity through a unique personal vision.

The aliens are dangerous beings, and so, like the gods and visions of pre-industrial cultures, are found only in the wilderness. If the abduction experience is a kind of cosmic initiation, a true coming of age in the Milky Way, then the pursuit of the Roswell Grail is not just a quest for a relic to prove the material existence of the entities, but a search of all ufological society for maturity and identity. Without this, and its ‘true name’, ufology will truly remain locked in its age of infantilism.

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REFERENCES

  1. Brookesmith, P., ‘Communion Cups and Crashed Saucers, Part Three, Meanwhile, Back at the Ranch’, Magonia 63, p.3.
  2. Brookesmith, P., ibid, p. 3.
  3. Antsiferov, N.,’Iz Dum o Bylom: Vospominaniia’, quoted in Hagemeister, M., Russian Cosmism in the 1920s and Today, in Rosenthal, B.G., ed., The Occult in Russian and Soviet Culture, Cornell University Press, 1997, p. 193.
  4. Brookesmith, P., op. cit., p. 3.
  5. Hagemeister, M., Russian Cosmism in the 1920s and Today, in Rosenthal, B.G., ed., The Occult in Russian and Soviet Culture, p. 198.
  6. Lewis, J.S., Mining the Sky, Addison-Wesley, 1997, p. 26.
  7. Quoted in Regis, E., Great Mambo Chicken and the Transhuman Condition, Penguin, 1990, p. 153.
  8. Regis, E., ibid, p. 154.
  9. Regis, E., ibid, p. 170.
  10. Regis, E., p. 172.
  11. Chizhevsky, A.L., ‘Stranitsy Vospominanii o K.E. Tsiolkovskom, in Khimia i Zhizn’, 1977, quoted in Hagemeister, M., op. cit., p. 198.
  12. Davies, P., Are We Alone? Implications of the Discovery of Extraterrestrial Life, Penguin, 1995, p. 89.
  13. Davies, P., ibid, pp. 90-91.
  14. Boslough, J., Masters of Time, J.M. Dent, 1992, p. 88.
  15. Ellis, B., ‘American Gothic’, in Fortean Times, no. 100, pp. 35-36.
  16. For a discussion of the beliefs of this particular ufological new religion, see Perkins, R., and Jackson, F., ‘Spirit in the Sky’, in Fortean Times no. 109, pp. 24-26.
  17. Davies, P., op. cit., p. 90.
  18. Spencer, J. and A., Fifty Years of UFOs, Boxtree, 1997, p. 14.
  19. Sounders, D.R., and Harkins, R.R., UFOs? Yes!, quoted in Spencer, J. and A., ibid., p. 16.
  20. Jonas, H. The Gnostic Religion, Routledge, p. 147.
  21. Brookesmith, P., op. cit., p. 4.
  22. See Doresse, J., The Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics, Hollis and Carter, 1960, pp. 292-293.
  23. Doresse, J., ibid, p. 295.
  24. Hollingdale, R.J., introduction to his translation of Schopenhauer, A., Essays and Aphorisms, Penguin, 1970, p. 31.
  25. Schopenhauer, A., and Hollingdale, R.J., trans., Essays and Aphorisms, p. 48.
  26. Hollingdale, R.J., op.cit., p. 34.
  27. Chadwick, D.H., ‘At the Crossroad of Kathmandu’, in National Geographic, vol. 172, no. 1, July 1987, p. 64.
  28. Brookesmith, P., op. cit., p. 10.

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Strange Fruit: Ozark Folklore and the Continuation of Traditional Witch Beliefs in the Modern Satanism Scare.
David Sivier

From Magonia 91, February 2006 

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One of the major problems presented by the Satanism scare of the 1980s and 1990s is the apparent reappearance of a set of beliefs and a persecuting mindset little different from the magic and superstition of previous centuries in the economically and technologically developed world. Indeed, the problem is particularly acute in the case of America, one of the most important crucibles for the forging of the Satanism scare, and a nation that has prided itself on its scientific and technological modernity

In searching for the origins of the modern Satanism scare, historians and sociologists have necessarily paid most attention to the contemporary societal factors stimulating its rise, like the increasingly irrational ideologies permeating psychotherapy, victim culture and the drive to identify as pathological an increasingly wide range of human behaviour seen as shocking or deviant, such as ‘emotional incest’ or ‘sex addiction’, the emphasis of certain sections of American social reformers and some feminists in demands for the children of the poor to be taken into state care, and the breakdown of a moral consensus on issues such as sexual morality, which has allowed Satanic Child Abuse to become an issue that can unite conservative Christian Evangelicals and Feminists and left-wing groups in a moral crusade. [1]

The genesis of the modern witchcraft accusations in the demonology of Middle Ages, including the Blood Libel myth directed at the Jews has been recognised and explored by a number of researchers, and comparisons drawn between the great witch-hunts of the past, such as those directed against the Bogomils in the ninth and tenth centuries, and the great witch-hunts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. [2]

These have all been identified as having a common origin in the breakdown in the wider Christian community, such as between Greek Orthodox and Roman Catholic for the earlier persecution, and Roman Catholic and Protestant for the latter.[3] However, while some historians have effectively demonstrated the origins of modern allegations of satanic ritual abuse in nineteenth century anti-Satanist and anti-occultist propaganda, such as Gareth Medway in his The Lure of the Sinister, few seem to have considered that there may also have been operating an unbroken tradition of witch beliefs that may also have fed into and stimulated the Satanism scare of the last twenty years.

Contemporary sceptical researchers into the Satanism scare have instead traced its roots in the narratives of adult survivors, often converts to Christianity, such as Doreen Irvine and June Johns in the 1960s and 1970s. These authors “presented Satanism (not distinguished much from Wicca) in turns of kinky adult sex, homosexuality, drug taking and suburban wife-swapping, with the now largely vanished phenomenon of the desecration of churches”. [4] The motif of child abuse, however, only entered these narratives because, “as society became more permissive and secular this repertoire ceased to conjure up images of ultimate decadence and evil” [5]

Yet while contemporary historians, such as Dr. Ronald Hutton in his The Triumph of the Moon, have effectively refuted the idea of a Palaeolithic cult of a horned god continuing unbroken into the twentieth century, it is however quite possible that some elements of a witch-cult, in so far as it was believed to exist in socially backward, agricultural communities in America, continued to exist from the sixteenth century onwards to inspire the Satan hunters of the late twentieth century. Indeed, the Canadian historian, Elliot Rose, in discussing the existence of a ‘witch-society’ in the Ozark country of the US, as described by the American folklorist, Vance Randolph, drew explicit comparisons between it and the descriptions of contemporary witchcraft practices by Gerald Gardner. He concluded that “I think we can see in this Ozark testimony the traces of the cult stripped to what its unlearned members considered its essentials, after persecution and enlightened scepticism between them had deprived it of both learned leadership and true continuity of tradition.” [6]

Randolph’s study of Ozark folklore is valuable for the insight it gives on a number of Fortean topics, not just witchcraft. For example, his description of the appearance of spectral lights along the ‘Devil’s Promenade’, a lonely stretch of road in Oklahoma, fourteen miles from Joplin, Missouri, is interesting not just for its description of the lights themselves, but also for the explanations offered for them. These include not only the supernatural – that they are the spirits of a murdered Osage chief, or a Quapaw woman who killed herself after the death of her husband in battle, but also for the scientific and pseudo-scientific. Thus it is suggested that the lights are those of cars driving on Highway 66 five miles away, are marsh gas or “that the effect is produced somehow by electrical action of the mineral deposits in the ground.” [7] 

Randolph’s book was originally published in 1947, about the same time the UFO myth was gestating, and although this explanation for strange lights seems to have been forgotten until proposed in the 1970s by Persinger and Paul Devereaux, its recording by Randolph suggests that the piezo-electrical explanation for such unexplained lights has its basis in the folkloric rationalisations offered for such phenomena, rather than the cold, detached theorising of a laboratory researcher.

The points of contact and contrast between Gardnerian and Ozark witchcraft discussed by Rose was the appearance in both cults of nudity and ritual sex, and instruction in the cult’s mysteries of an initiate by a parent or other family member. In the Ozarks the novice witch was taught the cult’s traditions by a parent of the same sex, while they were inducted into the cult by a member of the opposite sex in ritual coition in front of a naked coven. For Gardner, however, instruction had to be carried out by a member of the opposite sex, and although initiation was – performed naked, it did not involve sex. [8]

Beyond the similarities and differences between the two cults is the question of the similarities of both to the incestuous, satanic cults described in Michele Remembers. In this conception of a modern, satanic cult, as formulated by the social worker, Maribeth Kaye, and criminal psychologist, Lawrence Klein, “membership is transmitted primarily through families” and “sexual child abuse and torture is deliberately employed by Satanist families as a technique to brainwash and program children to confuse evil with virtue, so that they will follow instructions to commit Satanic evil acts without feeling any guilt.” [9]This is similar in concept to the Ozark belief that “the secret doctrines must pass only between blood relatives, or between persons who have been united in sexual intercourse. Thus it is that every witch obtains her unholy wisdom either from a lover or a male relative … A mother can transmit the secret work to her son, and he could pass it on to his wife, and she might tell one of her male cousins, and so on.” [10]

While the transmission of the secrets between family members is not necessarily incestuous, and there were rituals that could transform a woman into a witch which did not involve sex, such as repeating the Lord’s Prayer backwards and firing seven silver bullets at the moon, the important element nevertheless in consecrating the witch in her unholy career was sex: “A virgin may possess some of the secrets of ‘bedevilment’ imparted by her father or her uncle, but she cannot be genuine witch, for good and sufficient reasons.”[11]

According to the tradition, this sexual initiation took place at the family burial ground, at midnight at the dark of the moon, over three consecutive nights. Devils and the spirits of the evil dead did appear, conjured up by the blasphemous incantations of the witches and the recital of the Lord’s Prayer backwards, the person initiating the witch was another mortal human being, not Satan himself. In this respect it differed from some of the medieval and early modern witch narratives, in which the witch copulated with Satan or a demon, [12] but was similar to the recovered memories of survivors of Satanic Ritual Abuse, who were sexually abused by their fellow humans, although the Devil and other demons nevertheless also appeared during the ceremonies. It thus appears that, amidst the basis of such fears of child ritual abuse in the concern over all too real cases of incest and child abuse that were appearing in the 1970s, the Satanic Ritual Abuse scare also drew on traditional stories of witch families and sexual initiation, and conflated the two elements according to the fears of the times.

Appearing with the motifs of multi-generational witch families and satanic sex also was the belief that witches burned the body of newborn children in order acquire further magical powers, and that the ashes were used to make luck charms. [13] While this element of the myth ultimately derives from Inquisitor’s allegation against a group of heretics at Orleans in 1022, that they burned the bodies of children born from their orgies to Satan and used the ashes in a blasphemous parody of the Christian Eucharist, [14] it is also of the same type as the allegations in the modern Satanism scare that women were being used as ‘brood mares’ to supply children for sacrifice to Satan.

This folklore, although fantastic to those raised in a more sceptical environment, was responsible for several Satanism scares even before the appearance of the moral panics several decades later. Randolph knew three women who were not only believed to be witches, but also believed themselves to be witches. [15] One panic concerning an alleged ‘Witches’ Sabbath’ supposedly occurred when a group of young people were photographed dancing nude at the side of a road outside a cemetery, apparently conforming to the pattern of a witches’ Sabbath. Randolph himself considered that they were just drunken young people, and that the photograph of a similar gathering at Forsyth, Missouri, showed a group of Holy Roller religious fanatics outside their camp on the White River, accompanied by thrill-seeking young men from nearby villages. [16] If nudity, either in a Christian ecstatic ritual context or simply done for less elevated pleasures was practiced in backwoods Missouri, then it might explain why the Venusians who contacted Buck Nelson were similarly naked when they landed on his farm and walked into his farmhouse carrying their coveralls. [17]

The supposedly satanic activities carried out in Missouri were not necessarily so spectacular. Even something as relatively harmless as teaching schoolchildren to say their times tables backwards as a learning aid, in such an atmosphere of superstition and fear, could be construed as suspiciously antichristian because of its similarity to the witches’ supposed practice of repeating the Lord’s Prayer backwards. According to Randolph, one ‘pious Baptist lady’ in McDonald County, Missouri, denounced the local schoolteacher for teaching the girls in her care their multiplication tables in such a way, because of the danger that ‘they’ll be a-sayin’ somethin’ else back-lards tomorrow.’ [18]

Again, there’s a remarkable similarity to modern conflicts and attempt to maintain supposed Christian education in schools. This has included not only the topical debate about evolution, but also the campaign by American Fundamentalist Christian organisations against then use of the Impressions curriculum in school. Although designed to introduce primary school children to literature, it has been attacked for encouraging violence, Satanism, occultism, cannibalism and cultural relativism, in tones strongly reminiscent of the earlier concern about teaching the Lord’s Prayer backwards: “We believe there is a desensitisation effect here … Pretty soon, casting and chanting spells will seem so commonplace to kids that, when they’re confronted with the advances of satanic groups on a darker level, it will seem more acceptable.” [19]

At the time Randolph was writing, it was felt that witches were extremely common, with one informant telling him that “witches are thicker than seed ticks”, but that “it’s all under cover nowadays.” [20] A major cause of the growth in witchcraft was the increasingly immoral behaviour of the young, who lived ‘too fast and heedless’. [21] Despite this pervading climate of fear, suspicion and violence – Randolph gives several instances where people were shot or otherwise assaulted as suspected witches – nevertheless the country seemed placid and untroubled to outsiders: “Things happen in these hills which are never mentioned in the newspapers, never reported to the sheriff at the county seat. The casual tourist sees nothing to suggest the current of savage hatred that flows beneath the
 genial hospitality of our Ozark villages.” [22]

Since the days of the pioneering folklorists of the nineteenth century, the folk traditions of backwoods Appalachia have been of interest to folklorists because of the way they have independently preserved British folklore, including traditions that may have become extinct in the mother country. Certainly much Ozark folklore is remarkably ancient. The incidents recorded by Randolph of hill people who believed they had been changed into horses and ridden by witches are of the same type as the seventeenth century British allegations against witches and other heterodox religious groups, like Quakers, such as those made by Margaret Pryor of Long Stanton in 1657. [23] It thus seems likely that the Ozark beliefs about witches represent the persistence of sixteenth and seventeenth century British and European traditional ideas about witchcraft, as adapted by conditions in the frontier settlements of the New World. This is significant, because, as historians of witchcraft have pointed out, popular belief in witchcraft did not die out with the triumph of scepticism amongst the ruling elite in the eighteenth eentury, but still persisted into the twentieth century in some parts of Britain, France and the Netherlands, for example. [24]

It’s something of a truism that the heartland of American Fundamentalist Christianity, with its heavy emphasis on deliverance ministry and spiritual warfare against demons and the human agents of Satan is the traditionally economically backward rural south, and its possible that the ~ appearance and growth of Charismatic Evangelical Christian ministries nationwide during the 80s transmitted traditional southern lore about witches to a broader national audience as mediated by the Evangelists’ own emphasis on the literal truth of Scripture. In this atmosphere, where archaic, premodern ideas exist alongside a parallel, and contradictory belief in technology and progress, it’s fair to say that modern America is indeed a ‘medieval society with modern technology’, a situation ready for the spread of VERY similar medieval irrational fears and superstitions. [25]

It thus appears that the ultimate genesis of the Satanism scare in America was not the concern over new religious movements and cults in the late 1960s and 1970s, such as the Manson ‘Family’ and the activities of various devil worshippers, such as the Church of Satan, but traditional rural witchlore in the rural Deep South. While the rest of America was economically buoyant and felt morally and culturally secure, this folklore was largely confined to that area. With the growth of new religious movements in the 60s and the economic and social dislocation of the 1980s, the social climate nationally became more favourable to the spread of irrational fears of secret satanic conspiracies, lent verisimilitude by the existence of explicitly satanic religious movements like the Church of Satan and Temple of Set, and non-Satanist religions like Wicca, which claimed descent from the medieval witches but did not involve the worship of Satan.

Thus, the witch-hunts and panics Randolph reported in the 1940s became both the model and the precursor for the national and international panics four decades later, though this time led by people from backgrounds often very different from superstitious rural poor of the backwoods hill country.

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REFERENCES

  1. Sandell, R., Review of Mark Prendergast, Victims of Memory: Incest Accusations and Shattered Lives, Hinesburg, Upper Access 1995, Magonia 53, August 1995, pp. 22-3.

  2. Victor, J.S., Satanic Panic: The Creation of Contemporary Legend, Chicago, Open Court, 1994, pp. 273-90; Sandell, ibid, p. 23.

  3. Sandell, ‘Victims’, p. 23.

  4. Harney, J., Review of Jean La Fontaine, Speak of the Devil: Tales of Satanic Abuse in Contemporary England, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 1988, in Magonia no. 64, August 1998, p. 17.

  5. Harney, J., ‘Devil’, p. 17.

  6. Rose, E., A Razor for a Goat: Problems in the History of Witchcraft and Diabolism, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1989, p. 213.

  7. Randolph, V. Ozark Magic and Folklore (New York, Dover 1964), p. 234.

  8. Rose, E., ‘Razor’, p. 212.

  9. Victor, J.F., Satanic Panic: The Creation of Contemporary Legend, Chicago, Open Court, 1994, p. 97.

  10. Randolph, V., Ozark Magic and Folklore, New York, Dover 1964, p. 266.

  11. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 267.

  12. See, for example, the description of a sabbat in the Memoires of Jacques du Clercq, in P.G. Maxwell-Stuart, The Occult in Medieval Europe (Basingstoke, Palgrave MacMillan 2005), p. 126; also J.B. Russell, Witchcraft in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, Cornell University Press 1972), pp. 144-5.

  13. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 281.

  14. Russell, Middle Ages, p. 87.

  15. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 265.

  16. Randolph, Ozark Magic, pp. 267-8.

  17. Bord, l. and C., Life Beyond Planet Earth: Man’s Contacts with Space People (London, Grafton 1991), p. 135.

  18. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 266.

  19. Concerned parent quoted in “Trouble’s Brewing Over Witch in School Reader,” Buffalo News, March 10, 1991, pp. A1, A14, cited in Victor, op. cit., p. 158.

  20. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 264.

  21. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 264.

  22. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 300.

  23. Randolph, Ozark Magic, p. 279, ‘Long Stanton’, in Folklore, Myths and Legends, London, Readers Digest 1973, p. 242.

  24. See Davies, O., Witchcraft, Magic and Culture 1736-1951, Manchester, Manchester University Press 1995.

  25. Porter, B., review of M. Northcott, An Angel Directs the Storm: Apocalyptic Religion and American Empire, London, LB. Tauris 2004, Lobster 49, Summer 2005, p. 35

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  1.  

The Victorian Charm of the Protong, part 2.
David Sivier

The Victorian Charm of the Protong – Part 2.

From Magonia  88, May 2005

Apart from the demonstrably erroneous nature of the claim that the Passion narrative represents human sacrifice in a real, historic lunar cult, is the highly questionable nature of the proof adduced for it. The theory takes as proof facts, or rather factoids, widely separated in space and time from the centre of the Passion narrative in first century Palestine. For example, there is the statement that Christ was crucified on Friday 13th. Friday has indeed always traditionally been the date of Christ’s crucifixion, and the belief that it occurred on the 13th is a common piece of contemporary folklore, though it probably arose to explain why Friday 13th is considered unlucky. It’s unlikely, however, that Christ was crucified on a 13th, as the Jewish Passover, during which the events of the Passion unfolded, begins on the 14th of Nisan. [34] Although Friday was declared a day of penance for Christians by the medieval church, and there was a concomitant fear that it was unlucky, the particular fear of Friday 13th is actually no older than the 20th century. In fact the superstition surrounding the supposedly unlucky nature of the number 13 dates only from the 17th century, when it was felt unlucky for 13 people to be present at a meal. [35] Similarly, Freya was a goddess worshipped by the ancient Germans, not Semites, and Friday and related terms such as Freitag were used only by the Germanic peoples of Northern Europe. To the Romans, the day was dies Veneris, Venus’ Day, while the Hebrew term was different again. Similarly, for Christians, Christ was resurrected on Sunday, not Monday, as the theory states, though because of its place as the day after Easter Day, Monday was declared a holiday by the medieval church.

As for the argument that the 13 disciples represented the 13 months of the lunar year, this, and the assertion that Christ’s Passion represented the death of the sun, is also reminiscent of yet another 19th century anthropological theory to account for the origins of religion, Max Muller’s Solar Mythology. Friedrich Max Muller was one of Victorian Britain’s most brilliant Sanskrit scholars and students of Indian religion. A trenchant critic of Tylor’s theory that fetishism was the origin of human religion and anthropological evolutionism, he considered instead that sun worship was the primal religion of humanity. He came to this view through his study of the Vedas, particularly of Agni, the god of fire, and tentatively applied his theory of religions origins in a solar cult to the other, savage, societies found elsewhere in the world. [36] 

Muller arrived at his theory of solar origins through his grounding in Sanskrit philology, and he attempted to explain the violent, sensual, ignoble and generally barbarous behaviour of the Greek gods through tracing their origins in the gods of the Vedas, the oldest literature of the Indo-European peoples. For Muller, the mythopoeic conceptions of the gods occurred before the rise of civilisation, before human language could convey abstract notions, so that Dyaus, the supreme god in the Veda, could be understood also as meaning sky, sun, air, dawn, light and brightness, while a number of other words, with different associations, could also indicate the sun. [37]

These linguistic associations led Muller to an allegorical interpretation of the Greek myths. For example, the story of Chronos, Zeus’ father, devouring his children before being forced to vomit the younger god’s siblings back up actually stood for the sky devouring and then releasing the clouds. [38] Nor was the solar cult confined to the Indo-European peoples. Muller later expanded his theory to various extra- European peoples, tracing the origin of various Indian, Polynesian and African peoples back to an alleged solar cult through an analysis of the languages of the tales themselves and the etymology of the terms used for the various gods. [39]

Muller’s pupil, Sir George William Cox, pushed the theory even further, viewing the Indo-European myths as allegories of the contest between sun and night, and comparing the Homeric epics thus interpreted with Christianity: ‘The story of the sun starting in weakness and ending in victory, waging a long warfare against darkness, clouds and storms, and scattering them all in the end, is the story of all patient self-sacrifice, of all Christian devotion.’ [40]

Unlike Gooch, however, he did not believe that there was ever a human reality at the heart of these myths, and viewed such heroes as Grettir, King Arthur, Sigurd, William Tell, Roland, Beowulf, Hamlet and the Biblical patriarch David as purely mythological figures representing the sun. [41]

Muller’s intellectual opponent with whom he carried on a lively controversy over the origins of human mythology was Andrew Lang, a former Oxford graduate and supporter of the ethnological, rather than philological, origins of mythology and folklore. Lang’s 1887 Myth, Ritual and Religion amassed considerable anthropological information to show that primitive peoples everywhere had similar myths, legends, and customs, and that elements of these had survived in modern peasant lore and the Classical Greek myths. [42] Lang never denied that solar, lunar and star cults and myths existed, but that they had independent origins in the animist stage of human culture. As for the bloody acts committed in fairy tales and legends, Lang viewed these purely as storytelling formulae: ‘It is almost as necessary for a young god or hero to slay monsters as for a young lady to be presented at court; and we may hesitate to explain all these legends of an useful feat of courage as nature myths.’ [43]

In the end, Lang’s view of the origins of religion and mythology prevailed, partly due to the immense influence of his Myth, Ritual and Religion but largely due to the establishment of the Folklore Society, whose members favoured and who wrote steadily and voluminously to support the evolutionary origin of myth. [44]

As for Christ and His disciples forming a coven of 13 , this is merely the reading back into Christianity of the religious perceptions that led to the view that witchcraft covens always had 13 members in the first place. In fact 13 , representing the total number of Christ and his 12 apostles was considered the ideal number of friars in a community, and the same model was adopted for the number of suffragans under archbishop and monks in a monastery. It has therefore been suggested that the choice of 13 for the number of witches in a coven was therefore made as a deliberate inversion of the Christian norm. [45] The Middle Ages viewed witchcraft as a satanic parody and inversion of God’s church and the natural order, and the reputed ideal membership of 13 for a coven was a further parody, in line with the blasphemies of the Black Mass, of the ideal membership of Christ’s fellowship with the Apostles and orthodox Christian religious communities.

fishyIn the case of the Grail legend and the Fisher King [left] , although some historians have suggested that the central motif of this story — a genitally wounded king — does indeed come from ancient myth, its ultimate source is Brythonic Celtic, not Semitic. If it does have a mythological origin, then it one from Celtic myth, which has been Christianised to fit the dominant religious culture of Europe at the time. Again, the legend is late, appearing in the 12th century with Chretien de Troyes, who was writing chivalrous fiction. Despite the religious elements, and the claims to be based in history, the legend of the Fisher King appeared 1200 years after the rise of Christianity and was never a part of the religion, however enormously influential it may have been as secular literature.

It is possible to go on and list more of the factual errors, inconsistencies and anachronisms in Gooch’s argument, though this would be missing the deeper, and more important point. At its heart is the assumption that modern folklore represents survivals of lore and knowledge of deep antiquity, and the related belief that humanity passes through a fixed stage of civilisation, inherited from Morgan and the other 1 9 th century anthropologists, of which contemporary primitive, or pre- industrial societies, are survivals.

This view was explicitly stated by Tylor himself in his Primitive Culture of 1871, in which he wrote,’Survivals are processes, customs, opinions, and so forth, which have been carried on by force of habit into a new state of society different from that in which they had their original home, and they thus remain as proofs and examples of an older condition of culture out which the newer has been evolved.’ [46] The reliance on outmoded anthropological theories of mythology as sources for its view of the Neanderthals in City of Dreams was one of the major criticisms made of the book when it was reissued in 1996. [47]

In fact, Gooch is not the only contemporary writer to be convinced that contemporary myths and legends are the remnants of a much older, Stone Age religious system. Adrian Bailey in 1998 advanced the view in his book, Caves of the Sun: The Origin of Mythology, that the original prehistoric religion was a solar cult, which also influenced the Neanderthal cult of the bear through the sun’s apparent retreat in winter into caves in the earth. The book was again heavily dependent on 1 9 th century anthropology and dismissive of the psychological and  century interpretations of the origins of religion. [48] John Grigsby, in his Warriors of the Wasteland of 2003, advanced the theory that the original pre-Indo-European, Neolithic religion was that of a dying and rising man/god, which was usurped by the intrusive solar cult. Although Grigsby similarly brought a wealth of information to bear on his subject, his thesis was nevertheless criticised for its reliance on the 1 9 th century theories of Frazer, among others, for its conceptual framework. [49]

In fact, the notion that contemporary pre-industrial cultures are survivals from an ancient state of human culture has effectively been challenged by developments in anthropology during the  century.

Particularly instrumental in attacking the unidirectional development of cultures through specific phases were Boleslaw Malinowski and Franz Boas. Malinowski based his anthropological theories on his experience of fieldwork amongst the peoples of the Trobriand Islands. Here, he developed a functionalist view of society, considering that no matter how strange a custom or practice was, it survived because it fulfilled a contemporary purpose: ‘Savages aren’t half-rational or irrational, but do things because they work. Customs survive not as throwbacks but because they fulfil some function.’ [50] It’s a view that the probably the great majority of contemporary occultists and New Agers, sharing the belief in the efficacy of magic, would endorse. Nevertheless, it challenges the tendency in some circles to view extra-European cultures as irrational, in contrast to the post-Enlightenment rationalism of contemporary European culture. There are elements of this view in Surrealism, for example.

Although the Surrealists ardently championed the rights of indigenous and subordinate colonial people against the oppression of European imperialism in the Caribbean, French Indo-China and elsewhere, their espousal of the art of primitive, tribal cultures such as those of Black Africa was predicated by the notion that they were much in touch with their subconscious, and by implication, more irrational, than Europeans.

The greatest challenge to the unidirectional view of cultural progress, however, came from Franz Boas. Boas’ fieldwork amongst the Kwakiutl peoples of the American north-west coast led him to attack the doctrine that society moved from a matrilineal to a patrilineal organisation, and the theory of totemism as the origins of human religion. He believed that the positing of a uniform scheme of human development overlooked the uniqueness of individual human cultures. Instead of there being a general sequence of cultural stages amongst humanity, there was instead’a tendency of diverse customs and beliefs to converge towards similar forms, and a development of customs in divergent direction.’ [51]

As a German Jew, he was bitterly opposed to the biological reductionism of the Nazis and the racial interpretation of history, which he saw, along with eugenics, as irremediably dangerous. His book, The Mind of Primitive Man was burned in Nazi Germany and unpopular amongst supporters of apartheid and segregation in the United States because of its assertion that there were no pure races, that racial intermixing did not lead to degeneration, and that Blacks would be perfectly able to fulfil their duties as citizens alongside Whites if the legal restrictions against them were lifted. His views have thus been immensely influential in challenging the racist assumptions of White superiority towards other cultures characteristic of 19th century anthropology. While his anti-racism is praiseworthy, his emphasis on each culture’s autonomy, and demand that anthropologists should not make value judgements about the societies they studied, unfortunately has led to the extremes of postmodern cultural relativism in which practices or beliefs which are untrue or repellent are nevertheless defended and declared valid because of their part in a particular culture. Hence the postmodern view that relegates science to the position of only one of a number of possible interpretations of the universe, none more true than the others.

Attempts to posit totemism and shamanism as the origin of human religion have similar been questioned because of their coexistence with apparently more sophisticated forms of religious experience. Tylor himself recognised that primitive peoples, ‘alongside their magic, ghosts, totems, worshipful stones, have a very much better God than most races a good deal higher in civilisation.’ [52] It’s a sentiment with which many of today’s occultists would no doubt agree, contrasting the apparent benevolence of primitive religion with the cruelties of Western institutional faiths, particularly Christianity. Nevertheless, it does undermine the claim that totemism is somehow a more primitive, primal form of human religious experience.

The idea of Christ’s passion as a mythological treatment of real, primal human totemic sacrifice similarly becomes untenable. Although the consumption of Christ’s body and blood in the transubstantiated bread and wine of the mass certainly performs some of the functions of the consumption of a totemic sacrificial victim in promoting a social and spiritual solidarity amongst members of the congregation, this does not mean by any means that a real, human sacrifice was necessarily performed and consumed, beyond the theological view of Christ’s crucifixion as a paschal sacrifice before God, though this certainly would not have been the intention of the Roman and Judaean authorities responsible for it. Furthermore, people do adopt creatures and objects as symbols for themselves, as in mascots and on coats of arms, without these creatures ever being personally consumed by them. Muller himself pointed to his friend, Abeken, whose name meant ‘small ape’ and who therefore had a small ape on his coat of arms, as the possible possessor of a totemic ancestor. He joked, however, that although he had never actually seen him eating an ape, it was probably due to a matter of taste. [53]

Of course, attempts to shoehorn all forms of religion into the pattern of a solar myth, is also open to abuse. It was satirised even during its high point in the 19th century. Sabine Baring-Gould, for example, illustrated its excesses with an essay, originally produced by a French ecclesiastic, which mischievously attempted to prove that Napoleon was the sun god, citing linguistic, historical and figurative parallels with the myth of Apollo. [54]

Similarly, the arguments for the antiquity of shamanism have also been questioned, with scholars pointing out that the Palaeolithic cave paintings of dancing male figures with animal heads could equally be gods, and that the argument for the universality of shamanism across the globe is weakened by the fact that there is not even a commonly agreed definition of the term. [55] Furthermore, as with totemism, shamanism also exists alongside organised religion in some of the societies in which it is found. [56]

Modern anthropology’s rejection of the theory of a uniform, primitive Cro- Magnon culture based on communism, matriarchy and goddess- worship undoubtedly explains why Gooch has looked yet further back into the Palaeolithic, to the Neanderthals, for his utopia. The sheer scantiness of the evidence and its amibiguity makes them an ideal tabula rasa, on to which contemporary scholars can project their own views of their nature.

cromagnon

Modern anthropology’s rejection of the theory of a uniform, primitive Cro-Magnon culture based on communism, matriarchy and goddess-worship undoubtedly explains why Gooch has looked yet further back into the Palaeolithic, to the Neanderthals, for his utopia.

* * *

Much still remains conjectural and the subject of debate. For example, although there are finds of Neanderthal burials, complete with flowers and a sprinkling of red ochre on the dead, as well as jewellery of animal teeth, to suggest that they had a symbolic culture, and so were not the subhuman creatures of earlier views, this view is hotly contested. Its opponents argue that these practices only emerged after the Neanderthals came into contact with the Cro-Magnons, and so were simply copying their practices without truly understanding them, rather than inventing them for themselves. [57]

At present though, recent findings regarding the Neanderthals tend to disprove some of Gooch’s theories. For example, the greater muscular development on Neanderthal skeleton’s right arms suggests they were right, rather than left handed, using that arm to wield the spear in a stabbing motion suitable for hunting animals amongst woodland, rather than throwing them. [58] On the other hand, analysis of Palaeolithic handprints suggest that the Cro-Magnons, by contrast, had a far greater proportion of left- handers than today. Analysis of the chemical composition of Neanderthal bones similarly suggests that they were almost exclusively carnivorous. [59] If true, these findings prove the exact reverse of some of Gooch’s own view of the Neanderthals.

Aside from these specific points, most anthropologists and historians today, following Franz Boas, would baulk at seeing a racial, biological origin for political institutions, and it is mistaken to project distinctly  century political structures far back into prehistory, long before these political philosophies and social organisations had arisen. As for the specific examples of left- handers’ political inclinations today, there are serious problems with these.

(Although there is considerable interest in the apparently different cognitive and social skills developed by left and right handers, with the genetic differences between the two being wider than those of human races, it’s problematic whether any of the individuals Gooch cites as left-handers can be described as socialist. Radical Islam of the type promoted by Osama bin Laden strongly rejects the present world order and the dominance of America as an oppressive infidel power, but it also vehemently rejects atheist communism and secular socialism.

In Revolutionary Iran, the Ayatollah Khomeini abolished political parties from a belief that they were divisive, and that’all Muslims should be brothers’. In some respects, particularly urban planning, the insistence on restricting legislation solely to what can be expressly supported by the Qu’ran has meant that some Iranian policies resemble the laissez-faire economic policies of the Victorian West, rather than the state interventionism of revolutionary Communist regimes. Supporters of the Iranian Revolution vehemently denounced comparisons of the revolutionary regime with Western political movements, particularly Fascism, and it’s almost certain that bin Laden and the others in al-Qaeda would also reject comparisons with Socialism, Communism or other Western philosophies for the same reason.

As for China being a Communist country, this is also problematic. Although China is a one-party state whose official ideology is revolutionary Marxism, in practice the country follows capitalist economics. As with the other countries of the former Communist bloc, it’s problematic whether Communism in China can outlive the increasingly aging members of the ruling party. In any case, most scholars would point to distinct, obvious political and social causes for the rise of Communism in China, such as the political and economic chaos and corruption of the Kuomintang, rather than crude biological determinism.

Beyond the errors and inadequacies of the theory of Christ’s Passion as the central ritual of a prehistoric lunar cult, rather more profound points can be made generally about fringe religious history and its methods of proof and investigation. The first point is that much fringe speculation, despite its wide ranging use of facts, rather than opening up new ground, really does little more than attempt to propound and defend earlier, discredited theories. Just as the above theory recapitulates elements of Victorian notions of the origins of human religion and society, so Ron Pearson’s theories of the subatomic origin of the spirit world relies on a rejection of Einstein’s theory of relativity in favour of a revived insistence of the existence of the ether. Secondly, global assumptions of a universal religious cult in antiquity are almost certainly wrong.

Any assumptions regarding the nature of a historical event, including its religion, requires as proof directly relevant facts to support it. In the case of the above theory of Christ’s passion, this would ideally be Roman, Greek or Jewish eyewitness reports that such a sacrifice did indeed occur, rather than inference from unrelated myths or legends recorded thousands of years later and further north. There also has to be an awareness of the wider history and origins of the events investigated, and a clear distinction between causes and effects. In the above example, this means an awareness that the belief that witches’ covens had a membership of 13 was based on the total number of Christ and His disciples, rather than vice versa. Furthermore, any allegorical interpretation of a myth or legend requires high standards of proof directly relevant to the subject of study.

It is immensely easy, simply by a judicious choice of numbers and mythology, to prove an allegorical meaning behind just about any subject one chooses, as Sabine Baring-Gould’s apparent proof that Napoleon was really Apollo clearly demonstrates. In general, unless there is direct evidence that the subject of study was considered allegorical at the time, or consciously used in such a context, allegorical interpretations of specific historical events are probably best avoided.

It also needs stating that when propounding a particular interpretation of history, the researcher needs to consider the academic history of the subject being discussed, and the origins and history of the ideas surrounding it. Professional academic historians, for example, consider previous treatments of their subject in their monographs, and history courses in higher education teach historiography — the theories and philosophies of historical interpretation, and how these have changed over time — as an integral part of the history course, as these may profoundly affect the treatment of a particular historical event or person, including the type of evidence accepted to support the historian’s view of their subject.

The most important point, however, is that biologistic assumptions of the origins of culture or political organisation and views are both wrong, and have been the basis of brutality, oppression and genocide. No matter how well meant, even by liberals keen to rescue their subjects from the images of savagery, like those, which have been characteristic of the treatment of the Neanderthals, such theories should be strenuously rejected.

The recent history of archaeology has shown how there is a place for fringe theorising, and that when this is done well it can make a valuable contribution to the understanding of its subjects. Archaeoastronomy, despite its origins in fringe archaeological speculation, is now academically respectable, and Paul Devereaux’s theories on the Stone Age use of sound to create altered states of consciousness amongst worshippers at sacred sites has similarly been well received, at least in some quarters of academia. To be accepted by academia, however, researchers in the mystical and occult fringe need to adhere to the same rigorous standards of proof and approach, some of whose characteristics are outlined above, that academics use to assess the value of their own views and theories. unfortunately, with the current furore over the Da Vinci Code spawning a plethora of ever wilder pseudo- historical religious speculation, we may have to wait a long time for that.

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REFERENCES

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    • 36. R. M. Dorson, ‘The Eclipse of Solar Mythology’, in A. Dundes, The Study of Folklore, University of California at Berkeley, Prentice Hall, 1965, p.61
    • 37. Dorson. ‘Solar Mythology’, pp.62-2
    • 38. Dorson. ‘Solar Mythology’, pp.64
    • 39. Dorson. ‘Solar Mythology’, pp.69
    • 40. G. W. Cox. An Introduction to the Science of Comparative Mythology and Folklore. 1881, cited in Dorson. ‘Solar Mythology’, pp.72
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    • 47. Review of S. Gooch, City of Dreams, Aulis, London 1995, in Fortean Times  no. 85, Feb/Mar. 1996, p.61
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    • 53. Dorson, ‘Solar Mythology’, p.68
    • 54 S Baring-Gould, ‘A Satire on German Mythologists’, in p. Vansittart, Voices: 1870-1914, Jonathan Cape, 1983, p.126-9
    • 55. Hutton, The Shamans of Siberia. Isle of Avalon Press, Gastonbury, 1993, p. 14
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    • 57 S. Mithen, ‘Symbolic Humans Started here’, reviewing J. L. Arsuaga, Neanderthal’s Necklace, John Wiley & Sons, 2003, in Fortean Times,  170, May 2003, p.61.
    • 58. See, for example, the BBC Horizon programme broadcast January-February 2005 which attempted to reconstruct the Neanderthals and their lifestyle from fossil remains.
    • 59. See the BBC Horizon programme as above.